A CHARACTER SKETCH

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LII, Issue 384, 9 May 1910, Page 8

A CHARACTER SKETCH

A STRIKING ARTICLE (By AY. T. Stead). The following striking and interesting article appeared in the March number of the English Review of Reviews. It is written by AV. T. Stead, the famous journalist, who was an intimate friend of tile late King: A year or two ago I was asked by the editor of one of the most widely circulated of all American magazines to write an article explaining to the democracy of the New World why monarchies still existed in Europe. I replied bv writing an article in which I tried to explain what seemed to Europe the still greater mystery why no monarchy had vet been established in the New AYorld. The editor replied that it was absolutely impossible for him to administer such a shock to the Republican sensibilities of his readers as to publish an article which set forth that Monarchy was normal and the Republic abnormal injiolitieal society. Yet since history began nine human beings out of even ten, probably nine hundred and ninety-nine out ot every thousand, have lived and died as subjects of .Sovereigns, whether called Dictators, Emperors, Kings ur Pharaohs. The Republican may be the choicest flower of the most advanced ! form of evolution, but he is, as this world goes, a scarce breed. There are no Republics in Asia, which has always been the greatest banked-up deposit of multitudinous humanity of all the Continents. In Europe the French and the Swiss alone prefer the Republican form of government to the mouarcliial. Only fln America does Republicanism live and thrive. Even there Porfirio Diaz has converted one nominal Republic into a real despotism, and his example is emulated by more than one Latin-American President.

THE RENAISSANCE OF MONARCHY. The simple fact is that there has been a great renascence nf the Monarchial idea in Europe in the last half-century. The glowing enthusiasm of IS4B has perished so completely that it is unknown to the new generation. Social Democrats have not found anything to conjure with in the word Republic. New States like Norway and Bulgaria prefer to be ruled by kings rather than by presidents. Spain has tried a Republic, only to revert to Monarchy. France is Republican. But it is a drab Republic which excites no enthusiasm, and commands only the respect due to a humdrum system which keeps the machine going. The triumphs of the German

Monarchial system in IS7I profoundly impressed Europe. The experience of Austria-Hungary has convinced everybody that a Francis Joseph is indispensable if the Empire-Kingdom is not going to pieces. THE BRITISH MONARCHY. But is is in England that the revival of the Mouarchia! principle (limited) has been most remarkable. The modern constitutional sovereign, whose power is rigidly circumscribed by usage and by statute, is invested by his position with such opportunities of influence as to make him, at such crises as the present, far and away the most important person in the State. This transformation has been chiefly due to the long reign, the shrewd good sense, and great public j spirit of Quec'i Victoria. When she came to the Thronr- Monarchical stock had dropped lower than at any date since 104!). George 111. was mad, Geonre IV. was bad, and William IV. was Sailor Bill—a man whose personality neither excited enthusiasm nr.r commanded respect. The Girl Queen began her reign by a blunder about the bedchamber women, which called forth protests and complaints from the Tory Party that read strangely as coming from men who, since the days of the Stuarts, prided themselves on their loyalty to the Throne. But her blunder helped her to discover that the Monarchy still counted for something in English polities; and although she made frank confession that she had made a false step, she profited by the experience thereby acquired. When England passed under the rule of Prince Albert, the task of rebuilding the Monarchy was carried on "ohne Hast und ohne Rast." After his death there was a .period of unrest. The retirement of the Queen seemed as if it would undo all the work previously ac- ' complished in the rehabilitation of Mon- I "'•chv. Tt was only in seeming. The | illness of the Prince' of Wales and the j return of the Queen to her duties sufficed to destroy the illusion of a Re- I publican reaction, 'and for the next j thirty years there was not. even a momentary check to the Monarchial revival. When Edward VII. came to the Throne he inherited a much mo're important position of influence than that to which bis predecessor had succeeded ' in IS37j and so far lie> has increased rather than diminished its prestb'e. i; OUR SOVEREIGN LORD.*- .-• "Our Sovereign Lord the King" is a good sounding phrase. Austere Republicans sneer at it, and Lords and com? tiers roll it under their tongues as a sweet morsel; but whether or not we have all got to recognise the fact that when any constitutional crisis comes to a head Edward YIL is the master of the situation. Ho is our Sovereign Lord the King; master of all the parties and all the politicians. The supreme, power has come to him. Tt is probably a great bore to him. Tt is a great burden and a great responsibility; but although he rigidly confines himself within the strait and narrow limits laid down for the conduct of a Constitutional Kmg,_ he dominates tile situation. Tt is a curious outcome of a series of successive Reform Bills, each of which was declared in its turn to have surrendered everything to the Revolution and to have surrendered everything to the Revolution and to have sacrificed our ancient monarchy to Radical democracy, that eighty years after the introduction ot the first Reform Act the Sovereign is more influential in a moment of crisis than any of bis predecessors. LET US FACE THE FACTS! There are many ardent Radicals who ■will resent this frank recognition of the power of the King; but it is well to face the facts and to recognise things as they are. And, however deplorable it many appear to be. the plain brutal fact is that in any time of constitutional crisis we are in the hollow of the King's hand, and he can do with us pretty much as be pleases. Our Sovel eign Lord the King" is indeed no mere courtier's phrase: it" is the solidest reality in the polities of the dav TITE POPCLARTTY OF KING EDWARD VII.

The sunrenie authority of the Kin? Nt a crisis like the present is inherent in his office, -but it has been greatly enhanced by his personal popularity. There was a curious .paragraph in the papers some time ago reporting the proceedings of a small revolutionary meeting in London. One of the speakers promised his crojiies that the Social Republic would soon be proclaimed in Encrfyind, and when that dav oomes, he added. we shall elect Albert Edward as our first president. A monarch who commands such universal respect ns to have the nomination at the hands of

the Rods for the pri'sideney of (ho British Social Ui'voln;ioimrv l!i'|>ul>lic is move than uU most |_'nuMoiis." lip is a mail who ha.- IJ:e conliilcikx' of his iVllow-nii'ii.

1 am no llatlerer ni" Kiiius least of all of Edward Yll. 1 am •under no illusions as to his limitations and his defects. I am afraid that 1 have often oll'ended him by the plainness of my speech and the freedom of my criticism. But all the same, I have always endeavored to do justice to his character and lo make allowance for the dilliculties and the temptations of his position. He has his prejudices, and he is apt to be biassed by those in whoso company he takes delight. In foreign affairs he has been an influence ma king' for peace, with one unfortunate exception, in which an exacerbated family feud, now happily ended, did much to embitter the relations between two great empires. '•IIE WHO MUST BE OBEYED." I say these things not for the sake of being disagreeable, but in order to remind my irascible critics how absurd is their cry that I am under the glamor of the Court or that I am idealising the King. I am a plain citizen who keeps his eyes open, and who tries to see things as they are. And the one outstanding fact of the situation is that the centre of our poliical equilibrium at the present moment is the Throne, and that the occupant of the Throne at the present crisis is He Who Must be Obeyed. Mv '"Studies of the Sovereign and of the Reign." which originally appeared in the pages of the Keview of lie views in ISO 7, were reprinted at the suggestion of the then Prince of Wales, now our King, because, as he was good enough to say, they gave the most accurate description of the actual wording of the Monarchy in the latest developments that he had ever read.

THE PKiiMAXEXT EDITOR OF THE REALM.

In the>,e Studies i wrote: —The true theory o: (lie position of tile Sovereign can best be uiuicrstoi.d bv imagining the realm and all its di.uendeiu'ies as a great newspaper owned bv a myriad of shareholders, who include ail the subjects of t!i" Ciwvn «it Home and oversea. The Realm comes out every day. The permanent editorship of the" great organ of national opinion is vested in the hands of the Sovereign, who is, however, forbidden to write u:;v leading 1 articles or dictate the policy of the paper. The actus! work of writing the leaders and providing for the editing of the Imperial news sh-u't, is entrusted to a temporary editor (the Premier), who, as a rule, is changed after the shareholders' meeting. The (permanent editor has the sole right of nomina ting the temporary adjunct, limited bv the condition that he must be a person who commands the confidence of tlie ir.litorial Council elected by the shareholders. Whatever the permanent nritor says must be listened to respectfully. The mere right to be consulted und to have the opportnnitv of inspiring the temporary stall', gives the permanent editor a position of influence in the conduct of the administration immeasurably greater than that of any temporary- editor. While the Sovereign is technically advised by his Ministers he has the vantage point from .which he can advise them, and while he is in theory deprived of all authority, :.i "'.'.n't ice his sagacitv. his experience, his opportunities, make him practically supreme.

THE CROWN IX CRISES. The influence of the Si verei'/n, great in all ii;rcs, becomes paramount at times of Constitutional J quote again as to i:ow this worked out in Queen Victoria's reign:—The permanent editor has no fewer than twenty-two times been confronted with the "resignation of her temporary assistant. The resignation of the Prime Minister is* an iwhiich lias occurred rather oftener than once every three years since tlie Queen aime to the throne. On each of these occasions she has exercised her •privilege r>s a Sovereign to summon to her councils whom slie pleased. It is interesting to see who would have been Prime Minister if the Queen's first choice prevailed. In 183!) the Duke of Wellin«tion would have been Prime Minister. In 1831 Lord Stanley, and failing him, Lord Aberdeen. In 1555 Lord Derbyj and. failing him, Lord John Russell, in 1859 Lord Granville, and in 1880 Lord Tlartington, and, failing him, Lord Granville. The Queen once endeavored to avert the dire necessity of commissioning Lord Palmerston to form an administration.. and once to evade the equally unpleasant alternative of a C.ladstonian Premiership. In the making of Cabinets the Queen's influence has been chiefly perceptible in inducing Lord Melbourne in 1830 and Sir Robert Pee! in 1845 to resume ollice when they were out of it, and wanted to be out of it; in making objections to Disraeli in 1837' which is to have so embarrassed Lord Stanley allowed Lord John Russell to return to tfUlce: in dismissing Lord Palmerston in 1852, and in the same year vetoing his Leadership of the House of Commons. The ehiei piece of Cabinet-making that stands to her credit was the success with which she brought about the formation of the Aberdeen Coalition Government of 1552. the only serious attempt that has ever been made to establish a really National Administration resting upon "both political parties.

During these periods 0? crisis the Sovereign stands conspicuous as the real centre of the Government and pivot o«f the Constitution. Sometimes these periods extend for days, during which there is never for one moment any disturbance of order or confidence. In 1845 a crisis lasted fourteen days, in ISSI nine, and in 1885 twelve." We may possibly average a crisis period at a week, and if we add another ten davs as the time necessary for Cabinet-mak-ing. it follows that for nearly one whole year, and that by far the most exciting year of the sixty, the Queen practically reigned alone, discharging.' her duties without the aid of the Ministers who had fallen and of those who had yet to be fully created.

THE KING'S INHERITANCE

lliat was the achievement jof the \ it'toriau reign. The 'prestige, the influence, tile authority attaching to the Throne, passed to Edward VII. intact on his accession. He has had no occasion to iput it to the test until now. But if the present crisis develops he will be confronted by a graver crisis than any which called forth the statesmanlike resource of his mother. Tt is of no mere matter of difference of opinion between Lords and Commons unon <he del nils of any particular measure. file cmms has arisen from a deliberate aggression by the Lords upon the priviJeges of the Commons, who refused supplies to the Crown in order to usurp the royal prerogative of dissolving Parliament. Due appeal having been made to Caesar. Caesar has given judgment against the Peers. The anti-peer "coalition majority in the Commons is 124. The election, considered as a plebiscite, gave 400.000 majority against the Peers. TITS RESPONSIBILITY.

But if the majority had been 324 in

the House ami 4.<)lK),!lrtO in the country, nothing could lie done to piuiisli the Peers for their agression and usurpation or to secure tile privileges of the Commons and the Crown from a renewal of sueh iiUaeteV save by or through the action of the Kinjj. In ordinary occasions the Monarch acts on the advice of the Constitutional advift* eis. The King's sceptre is then in the Prime .Minister's pocket. But in imlinan- occasion when the Prime Minister advises an exercise of the Botbl ■ inogaiive which in the King's judg- t utent may endanger the Throne and '"l'eril the Constitution of the Realm, t may lie the Kind's duty to accept the eMguation of his Ministers rather than o act uuo,, their advice. It is these are hut supreme moments that the <king must act on his own judgment unsense of his own responsibility.

Ills KTAXDPOIXT. It may be well to try to look at the situation from the King's standpoint. ~'* . a, ' o y° ll " ■>«'! trusted bv all. That is a national and an Imperial of the first important. \ 0 one suspects him of doing anything unsportsmanlike; no one imputes to him any personal or class bias; he will hold tile balance even and see fair play. His duty is to see that the government of «' ou "try is carried on without interruption.

At present the differences arising between Lords and Commons threaten to bring the government of the realm to a standstill. The Commons may refuse to vote supplies to the Crown unless the t rowii uses its prerogative to compel the Lords to miss the Ye to Bill That means in plain English that the Confinons will stop supplies unless the Kmg will create as many Peers os are needed to overbear the .resistance of the House of Lords to the sacrifice of their absolute veto. If things should come to this pass what is the" Kin" to

WHAT IS THE KING TO DO?

The general belief among advanced liberals and 'Nationalists is that the King has 110 responsibility in the matter. He has just to do as he is told. Vox populi, vox I)ei." A majoritv of 12-1, with a plurality of 400,000 votes behind it, is sufficient warrant to any King to make any number of Peers. Under such circumstances, so this theory • runs, it is. with kings as it was with ' the 'Gallant Six Hundred"—"Theirs not to reason why; theirs but to do and die. Mr. Asquith, it is constantly assisted, must have had assurances from the King to this effect before he made his Albert Hall speech with its famous pledge. In that faith the Liberal hosts went forth conquering and to conquer. In that faith they wait expectant the creation of /Peers by the hundred or the thousand, it does not matter which. THE GREAT CONCILIATOR.

The assumption underlying the foregoing argument that the King is a mere automaton, who has no other duty than to do as he •is told by his even if thev tell him to effect a revolution in the Constitution, is not accepted by King Edward any more than it was by Queen Victoria. It is the theory of the Sovereign that, while in ordinary times and for ordinary purposes the Cabinet has the Great Seal ' in its pocket, whenever a collision occurs between the two Houses of Parliament it is the duty of the Crown to ;ai;> a leading part in composing diifcrenees and averting a deadlock. S) far frum the .Monarch being denied ail right to act on his own judgment and to take independent initiative of his own, it is precisely at siu-h a juncture that such independent action is imposed upon him by his position as peacemaker in ordinary to the State and balaneo-wheel of the Constitution. .