ENGLAND AND GERMANY.

Taranaki Daily News, Volume LII, Issue 104, 31 May 1909, Page 4

ENGLAND AND GERMANY.

"THE PRESENCE OF A GREAT DANGER." (By Robert Blatchford.) The debate on the vote of ccusu.'e turned' too much upon the question of whether we ought to build eight "Dreadnoughts" or four. That is not the vital question. The question is the question of peace or war.

Does Germany mean to attack us, or does she not? The building now, or next year, of eigdt battleships or four is a mere question of detail, and depends entirely upon our ans'wer to that momentous question. I shall take the words of Sir Edward Grey, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and the Government advocate for pacific measures and economy in naval expenditure.

The speech of Sir Edward Grey in the debate on the vote oT censure is the gravest and the most disquieting utter-ance-yet made by any British Cabinet Minister. The following excerpt is e nough to justify, and more than justify, every word that Hynduian and I have written during the last five years: A new situation is created by tue German programme. When it is completed, Germany, a great country close to our own snores, will have a licet of thirty-three "Dreadnoughts," and that fleet will be the most powerful which the world has ever yet seen. It imposes on us the necessity of I rebuilding the whole of our fleet. That is the situation.

Whit docs that imply! Does it imply a faith in German diplomacy! Does it Suggest that it would be wise for us to econofise in naval expenditure? No. Taken with the rest of Sir Edward Greyls speech, it implies that we had better not build eight "Dreadnoughts" now, because in a year or two we may find that Germany has been building more powerful ships. But it implies, and most explicitly declares, that before long Germany will have in the North Sea, and close to our shores, tihe most powerful fleet the world has hitherto seen.

It implies that we may have to build a fleet even greater and more costly. It amounts to a candid acknowledgment that a German fleet in the North Ssa is a menace to this country.

It admits, in effect, all the Hyndmah and I liave said.

Sir Edward Grey said further: "Surely it is obvious that the whole of Europe is in the presence of a great danger." Now, our share of the danger lies in our negligence. Let me put the position once more as I see it.

Germany is the greatest military:! Bower in the world. She has made it evident —eo evident that even the Liberal Cabinet have seen it—that she means to be the greatest naval Power in the world.

To attain her end she will shrink from neither trouble"nor expense. She (has a genius for organisation, and leaves nothing to chance. Her rulers do not talk; they act. They do not make the fatal mistake of confusing words and facte. The astounding progress made by Germany during the last ten years \D proof of this contention. A year ago we were told that our naval power was overwhelnining, and that Germany never could compete, because she had riot the means; we could always build faster than she. But to-day we are not sure that we can build as "fast. Seeing what I see of the German methods, and knowing what I know of British methods, I cannot help feeling that the Germans, by their superior unSty, by their closer secrecy, by their more diTect and single purpose, and by their national capacity and training for organisation; have stolcji a march upon us and will very soon leave us behind unless we wake up and realise Uiegravity of the danger. Now look at our side of the wat;r. We are disunited; we are untrained; we are overconfident; we are strongly averse to war: we are still more strongly attached to our own case and freedom. We do not want to fight, we do hot want to pay, we do nof want to worry. We are lull of words, and ,ve have not learnt that words are not deeds and that figures are not facts. •The German people are a militai-v people. They are a nation of drilled men. Only a drilled man can appreciate the importance of that factor in the sum. Germany, bent upon'any great national enterprise, works like a machine. I am convinced that the German nation is more efficient for war than the British nation; that the German Administration is mor e efficient for war than our Administration; and that Gcr-

many means war. Xow, if such a nation as Germany means war, it will tax all our resource's to meet 'her. Those passage.? in Sir Edward Grev's speed; in which he hints- at "agreement" and limitations of armaments are evidences of our deplorable weakness. Germany will not be stopped by words. Germany means to fight, is preparing to fight, .bcltoves that sdie can win. Wo have either to fight or to go under. The idea that we can meet this bold and open menace of a brave, united, and determined nation by s'oinc cheap expedient » an idea that will land us in ruin and disgrace. We have got to mafic a united and Wwc effort, and to make it now, or we •shall be crashed. We have got to pay and to make sacrifices, or we shall be crushed. Even when we bav c paid and have armed and liavc made sacrifices we shall have to be readv to fiVht Germany will not be bluffed: Germany will not fight with figures and with word*. Germany believe that she can beat us, and Germany means to trv. I am .speaking now wift a full sen* of the responsibility 1 incur. I know tnat i jm ( i om g an llnpopulal . thi I know that I shall meet with hostility -inn Z\ Tl pa ? y - J Ji,lon " th »t * =iull be called a. Jingo and a firebrand and, perhaps, a traitor. But I have never yet been silent because the truth was dangerous or did not pav! I believe that this Gorman crisis h tne most momentous crisis since the hginmng of the nineteenth century I believe that it cannot be averted or met without a great national effort I hold that we rfiould act at once, and act as we should act if war were certain with* a year. I j* w sufficient ««. fidence in the British people to feel that if they were told fully and fianklv the whole of the facts they would lie 'en!, a" to the demand made upon tliem. Hi- want a powerful fleet and a perfect organisation behind the fleet U'e want an army of defence, W P 'waiH Hiese H.i.«. now. a„ (l Kv „., n f ™ upon a war footing. I had intended to sa.v a few word. e'pmltif at^6Wio,l ' ,)llt «™™t

Hut;l would point out that the fierfor at,f, i• P tO , 1r St ' thdl ' 0 ™ t»Sc m attack; ami that our fleet s'houid he much.stronger thai, theirs if we e for lt°:t, rc * df !° mwt ""■'■•''«« Moreover, there is Austria. Austria «n put . deet of i „ the Mediterranean . Wt ™ r ? onrs here to face Germany. ' Tt.-t"'! •'.■ < " , "' <l ke] that not a s-inolc I ■ t.«h citizen would allow partisan h^rr, inwrth? >° r pontic i hi one, to blind or to mislead him m th£ hour of nathfmiT peril. dis^;.f7 o l n " ," f f^li,n ' l w «''l" lx- a uim "ti,. to the human race In the ~!d days. „.„,„ wlu . thrcat . our fatiliers. it was the cu»tom to 1™ beacon fires upon the hills I }\„ ht * ". "re to-day, f ,,„d it shall not m Sut if I can keep it biimin"