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Colonist, Volume IV, Issue 425, 19 November 1861, Page 3

of taxation ' —and that it might be shown, that, but for it, there would be a tendency in the public mind to fall into such a state of apathy and indifference in reference to self-government as would, in the long run, be productive of far greater evils than could result from a little excessive taxation.

For, upon what other hypothesis are we to account for the extraordinary indifference uhich has b pen shown in this province for the last four years on all subjects relating to the expenditure of the public monies and the general functions of government? How, we ask, is this indifference to be accounted for, but on the ground, that the money by wh eh the machinery of government is k'pt oiled, comes from— many know not whence, and others care not, seeing it does not come directly from— their own pockets ? And thus what is easily gotten, is carelessly spent. Who can doubt—if the eighty thousand pounds which have been expended here annually for the last four years on salaries and public works had been raised by taxation, direct, indirect, or both —but that far greater vigilance would have been exercised over its appropriation, and that far more substantial results would now be visible from the expenditure of Buch sums?

Nay, we are not sure we may not go further, and assert, that the very easy way in which the money comes to hand; brings with it even worse consequences than mere apathy and indifference on the question of government. We fear we perceive a demoralising influence extending over public opinion, arising from the ideas that money raised as the public revenue is for the most part raised in this province, is to be regarded as material for plunder, and that be is the luckiest fellow who can get most of h be it in the shape of salary, legiimate contract, or job. Now, many of our reaVs are probably not aware of the cost ot government in this province. And they will not be a little surprised to be informed that ours is not far from being if it actually is not, the dearest government in the known world. The majority of our settleis have probably long accepted the belief that the • land they left behind them' enjoyed that distinguished pre-eminence. But, a few figures will speedily disabuse their minds of this vulgar error. The last estimates made public by the Chancellor the Exchequer show that seventy millions —speaking in round numbers—is about the annual amount of government receipts and expenditure in England—when, however, from that amount is deducted the interest of the National Debt, the Army and Navy votes, Excise and Customs* charges, the cost of Public Works, the expenses incident on the administration of Justice, and the Civil List—there it left about seventeen millions to administer the Government in departments corresponding to those administered here. Now, the last Census shows a British population of about thirty-five millions, so that, to speak, approximately, the cost of government in Great Britain and Ireland would range at about ten shillings per head. It •has not escaped us that it may be said here that the Englishman has other burthens in the shape of local rates and taxes; but for those he receives direct consideration.1 If he pays rates for water, lighting, paving, ondrainage, he has value in return. With the exception of poor rates and tithes, the latter of which is simply rent under another name, he pays only for that ior which he obtains a direct equivalent.

Let us now see what government costs us here. We exclude f<om our calculation all expenditure referring to public works and immigration, and take into consideration only the cost of such departments as are analogous to those we have noticed as administered in England and wo find the annual expenditure on those heads to amount to about thirty-six thousand pounds. Now taking the average of ihe population here for the last four years at fifteen thousand, which we apprehend is a liberal estimate, and the cost of government with us amounts to nearly forty-five shillings per head, exclusive of our quota to the expense of the general government of the colony—or thirty-five shillings in excrss of the cost of government to the resident British subject in Great Britain and Ireland!

But, our government has not only eclipsed the mother country in this matter, but it proudly takes precedence of all the sister provinces of New Zealand. And an analysis of government expenditure shows how this clever feat is in some degree accomplished. Thus, while in Auckland, the salary of the Superintendent is £800 a year; in Wellington £600; in Nelson £500; and in Otago £600; with us his honor is compelled, sorely against his expressed wishes to take £1000 a year—that is—a salary not merely in excess of all other Superintendents to the extent above shown, but actually £200 a year in excess of that of the Colonial Secretary, the first minister of New Zealand ; and still more than that sum in excess of the incomes received by the other high officers of the colony. And a like average may be struck with nearly all the subordinate government appointments.

Now, we are not going to urge from these facts any cheese-paring reduction of salaries. We admit the principle that in a new country where individual exertion can almost as a universal rule reap a rich reward, it would be impolitic, as well as mean, to deal with public functionaries on any other view that they should fairly be partakers of the prosperity which generally prevails. We are fully aware too, that the cases of governing large and small communities are not exactly parallel. Proportionally it must cost more to govern the lesser than the greater number. The governmental staff required to administer the affairs of ten thousand persons would probably suffice for ten times that number. But what we aim at is this—first, to put the public in possession of facts, with which

probably few are acquainted, which show how costly our government is; and then to induce them to take such an interest in public affairs as shall secure a fair return for services so liberally paid for, and shall prevent any misappropriation of the public funds— that they may not be indifferent, if not consenting parties, to the wasteful expenditure of the public money, because they have not been yet called on to put their hands into their pockets to contribute to the expenses of ihe state; but that they should be thoroughly alive to the consideration of 4 how the money goes.' Let not the people deceive themselves. We were told on Tuesday last, that the day is fast approaching when the tax gatherer will make his appearance among us. And it is certain, that the time of his appearing, and the extent of his demand upon us when he does come, will essentially depend on the economical use now made of those means which the Government possesses without his benevolent aid.