AMERICA.

Colonist, Volume IV, Issue 372, 17 May 1861, Page 3

AMERICA.

(From the Times.) ...':. Southampton; Feb. 17The United States mail steamship Arago, Captain H. A. Gadsden, with mails of the 2nd insfc. from New York for England and France, arrived off Cowes last night, and went on to

Havre.

Congressional proceedings) on the Ist instant, were interesting, in view of the facts that for the first time the voice of California waa heard on tbe national troubles, through the mouth of one of her senators, and that Texas showed her hand for the Union through one of her representatives. In the Senate Mr. Ten Eyck presented the resolutions of tbe Legislature of New Jersey in favor of the Crittenden Compromise, but took occasion to dissent from their sentiments. He did not believe that they truly represented the feelings of the people of New Jersey. A resolution offered by Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois, providing for the appointment of a committee to co-operate with a committee of tbe House in counting the electoral votes for President and Vice-President, was objected to by Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, and laid over. The President's message was then taken up for further consideration, and Mr. Latham, of California, proceeded to address the Senate. He said:— •

" California was peacefully lying in the arms of Sierra Nevada, and removed the immediate cause of trouble, and wished to speak to-day with her voice. -Disunion, a word which Mr. Calhoun scarcely dared to utter, had now become familiar. The vacant seats here show the evils upon us, and we must palliate or overcome them as we may. It was vain to try to persuade our Southern brethren that there was no danger. The South does not complain so much of the aots that have already been committed as the danger they anticipate. They complain of any interference with their vested rights, and think it best to meet the dangers at their threshold. He conceded that there was some cause for their apprehension, but never a greater parados than the constitutional right of a State to secede. It was virtually saying that the Government was no Government, and he would not discuss the right of revolution, aB he thought the senator from Georgia (Mr. Toombs) had properly called the preseut movement. The framers of the Constitution did not coDtemplate secession or coercion, as generally understood, and left the Government with the sublime alternative to be just or perish. He argued that the continued agitation of the slavery question was the cause of th« difficulty and agitation, and it will continue, because it is the life of the dominant party at the North. The South wants security that will render it impossible to do them injustice. Our Government is one of reason, and can only exist so long as it is trua to itself, and it ceases to be true when it employs force. If the Southern States were determined to form a Government for themselves, there was no force to prevent it; and yet he would not admit that the Government had no power, for there was power adequate to put down revolt in a State. But when many States rise in revolution, with the spirit of a mighty empire, it is idle to talk of force to subdue them. When 2.0,000,000 people rise in defence of their homes, not all the armies since Caesar's can compel them to live under an Executive they consider hostile. The people fought at the late election on no such issue as is now presented; tbe question of force was not involved in the contest. The victory of the Republican party was achieved by popular delusion, which has beoome tbe ruin of the party, never again to rise. He would say to the South that much trouble was due by divisions among themselves, causing the defeat of the Democratic party. That party will stand up with them for a peaceful solution of tbe question, and will recover strength and crush the talse idols set up for the people. Allowing that there was danger, why should the South separate from their Northern friends, when united they might overcome the enemy ? A separate confederacy requires a standing army along its hostile border, making a vast outlay, and the North would be obliged to do the same thing, and both would grow poor together. Secession is the foundation cf an endless civil war, under which the Government would fall to a military despotism. If we violently separate, we shall strike a death blow to liberal institutions, and both, or many sections, as the case may be, will be involved in financial ruin. We should lose the name of American, and be known only as a tribe of Indians are. It would be impossible lo depict the desolation and horrors which would follow disunion. He protested tgaicst the hope of reconstruction after the Union is once broken up. If war is once commenced, all hope of reconciliation will be effaced, and in the end the people will fly to a monarohy to save themselves from anarohy and universal ruin. The people of California breathe but one sentiment of loyalty and devotion to the Union, and wou'.d ratify any settlement which fcould satisfy the South; and if such satisfaction is refused, a large majority of the people say 'Let them go in peace.' He would prefer a peaceful separation to .civil war. California,, from her position »nd commerce, would remain -^ith the Free States; her destiny and theirs are indisso'ubly conuected. In the language of the senator from Nev Yorjk ,(Mr. Sevvard), the people of th*t State ' speak for the Union, vote for the Union, give monay for the Union, and they-*'ill fight for the Union,' providing he can show them howjmch fighting can maintain the liberty, fraternity, and equality of our Southern brethren iv the Union. (Applause.) But, if he cannot perform that difficult task, the people of that coast never—no, never.!—'.will imbue their hands in the blood of their Southern brethren. He said that they willing to vote for the propesitions of tbe senators from .Kentucky or Illinois, but be thought the best and wisest plan Vas that of his friend from Minnesota (Rice). The people e*pect them here to do something soon. Why should the Union be destroyed and all tlie evils be brought upon U3? He appealed to senators by -oil that was dear to their hearts not to turn a deaf ear to the voice of the people, and let patriotism rise above party. He was eager and proud to make sacrifices to save the oountry." . • . Mr. Kellogg, representative of Illinois, before a vote was taken on the recommendations of the Committee of Thirty-three, wished to offer resolutions as a substitute. He had been constrained to the present course by the disturbed! condition of tbe country. They are joint resolutions, proposing amendments to the Constitution, to be ratified in the manner indicated by_ that instrument, as follows :— . ■

«' Art. 13. That in all the territory now held by the United States situate north of latitude 36 <kg. and 30 mm. involuntary servitude, except

for the punishment of crime, is prohibited while such territory shall remaiu under a Territorial Government'; that in all the territory now held fouth of said line, neither Congress nor any Territorial Legislature shall hinder or prevent the emigration to said territory of persons held to service from any State of the Union where that relation exists by virtue of any law or usage of such State, while it shall remain in a territorial condition ; and when any Territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population required for a member of Congress, according to tho then federal ratio of representation of the people of the United States, it may, if its form of government be Republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with ,or without the relation of persons held to service and labor, as the Constitntion of such uew State may provide. "Art. 14—That nothing in the Constitution of tho United States, or any amendment thereto, shall bo so construed as to authorize any department of the Government in any manner to interfere with the relation of persons held to service in any State where that relation exists, nor in any manner to establish or sustain that relation in any State where it is prohibited by the law or the Constitution of such State, and that this article shall not be altered or amended without the consent of every State in the Union.

"Art. 15. The third paragraph of the second section of tho fourth article of the Constitution shall be taken and construed to authorize and empower Congress to pass laws necessary to secure the return of persons held to service or labor under the laws of any State, who may have escaped therefrom, to the person to whom such service or labor may be due. " Art. 16. The emigration or importation of persons held to service or involuntary servitude into any State or Territory or place within the United States, from any place or country beyond tho limits of the United States or Territories thereof, is for ever prohibited."

Mr. M'Clernand (Opposition), of Illinois, was happy to see such a proposition coming from a gentleman whose relations are so near to the President elect.

Mr. Lovtjoy objected to the reception of the joint resolution, especially after the remark of his colleague.

Mr. Keilogg said that in offering the resolution he wished distinctly to state that, in view of the disturbed condition of the country, he felt it his duty to offer a proposition, hoping it might avert an impending calamity. No other human being was responsible for it that himself.

General Hamilton of Texas, made an eloquent Union speech to-day. In the course of an able argument against the right of secession he made the new point that, by all the laws of nations, Louisiana had practically declared war against Texas, in cutting eff her communication with the homo Government, by her ordinance of secession. The General was followed by Mr. Stokea, of Tennessee, who also made a telling speech for the Union. An evening session was held for general debate.

It appears from despatches from Washington that the FJoridians already considered (hemBolves iv a sta(o of actual war with the United States. Lieutenant James E. Jonett, attached to the steamer Crusader, had reported himself to the Navy Department under peculiar circumstances, lie had occasion, while temporarily employed on the Wyandotte, to go ashore, at Pensacoia, when he was immediately seized by the State troops as a prisoner of war, hut was sulacqiiciilly released on parol of honor, with the uiuiuit.tiding that he was not to bear arms against the Suite vf Florida. He was then furnished wiih a passport, with which lie left the State and proceeded to New Orleans, where lie was again threatened with arrest; consequently he took the shortest route to Washington, where he awaited the commands of the Secretary of the Navy. This outrage of the Secessionists, however, riocß «ot compare in magnitude} with one contemplated at New Orleans, but which was happily frustrated by the caution of those most immediately in its defeat. The Crusader itself, it sc.ms, was to be seized by the city authorities Yfhila the officers were being entertained, iv a friendly way on shore. The bait did not take, and the Crusader still remained iv the service of the Government.

There was a general expectation in Washington, on the evening of the Ist, tliafexciting intelligence would soon be received from Charleston,-but what this expectation was based on did not clearly appear. It probably grew out of the knowledge of the fact that Colonel liayue had received his despatches from' Governor Pickeus relative to the proposed surrender oi i'ort curator, in connexion with the fact that preparations were constantly going on in Charleston for an attack on that fortification. lbe Diplomatic Corps, it appeared, were generally of opmiou that a ooliision canuot now be avoided, and that they had forwarded despatches to their respective Governments to that effect.

A Washington despatch of the lstinst., to the Neiv York Times says :— "A gentleman called on General Scott to-day and inquired if it would bo safe to bring his family here. The General referred him to one of his aides, who, it is said, replied that he thinks it is sa'fo now, the necessary points all being guarded. Wo are playing a game of chess, and every .time those whoe contemplate strife here advance a piece we immediately checkmate it. The Louisiana delegation, except Mr. Bouliguy, retire from Congress on Monday next, whether a certified copy of the ordiuance be received or not. Mr. Bouligriy nays he won't withdraw until his district instructs him to do so. Private advices from Charleston to-day show that the Secessionists' preparations for war are much more extensive than is generally supposed, involving expenditures enough to'nearly beggar the State. The plan for the attack and capture of Fort Sumter is common talk among the citizen soldiery, and they only await the signal from the leading conspirators at Washington to Begin the assault. So |imminent is considered the dangor of an early collision that numbers of people are constantly leaving the city. The plaus of attack alluded to have been fully communicated to the Administration by parties personally familiar therewith. lam assured that a witness before the House Treason Committee testified to a declaration, by Mayor Berret, that ii Maryland seceded he would give up this city as far os he was concerned."

*. AJ Oti e, r, de3 Patcll of the lst > from Washington, Jnas the following: "It is i Q evidence before the House Select

Committee on Treason that a variety of plans have actually been discussed by those in the South who have been determined for years to break up the Union. First, it was believed that a convention of the two Houses could be pre* vented on the 15th inst., when the votes for Presideut are to be counted, thereby avoiding a constitutional count of the electoral votes. Second, to prevent Mr. Lincoln from coming here by assassination, or some other means. Third, to take the Capital by violence and prevent his inauguration. It is the testimony of several witnesses that these plans were all seriously discussed and abandoned, upon the theory that it would be within the category of crimes punishable with death in the Union, and would not in the end accomplish the object the dissolutiouists have in view. After a full canvas of the whole subject it was finally decided to resort to the plan of secession which was immediately initiated by South Carolina."

The Democratic State Convention continued its session at Albany on the Ist, and was addressed by James S. Thayer, ex-Chancellor Walworth, W. H. Carroll, of Maryland, and others. A series of resolutions was adopted urging the settlement of the national difficulties by compromise, deprecating coercion of the seceding States, and appointing Millard Fillmore, Addison Gardner, Greene C. Bronson, Erastus Corning, Horatio Seymour, Ainaea J. Parker, Charles O'Conor, and Samuel Tilden as commissioners to attend the Convention soon to be held at Washington.

The speech of the venerable ex-Chancellor Walworth opposing coercion and depicting the horrors of civil war produced a great sensatioq in the Convention. On the second resolution being read Chancellor Walworth appeared on the platform, and his venerable looks claimed instant attention from the Convention,.and he was received with aa outburst of enthusiastio applause. He said:— "Gentlemen of the Convention, —I am far advanced in years, and not in the habit of attending Conventions of this character, but I could uot resist coming here to enter my protest against civil war. I have seen the horrors of such a conflict. In the war of 1812 my house in Pittsburgh was sacked by the British. A battle was fought opposite my very dooi'9, and the bullets that were fired fell like hailstones around my. dwelling. In the casement of mv door remains to this day embedded one of those bullets, a memento, of the fight. luthct struggle I saw my fellow-citizens shot down by my side. I know, then, the horrors of a foreign war ; and they are nothing as compared with the horrors of a civil war. A civil war is a war among brethern. We are all brethern in this Confederacy^of States—the people of the South are our bret'heru, not only nominally, but actually our brethren. In Georgia alone I have the names of 1000 citizens whose ancestors were the near relatives of the fjmily of Hillhouse, whose name is known as that of one of the patriots ot the Revolution, and whose descendant new occupies a seat in our State Senate; and so scattered all over the Southern States are the near relatives of the men of the North, and perhaps there is scarcely a member of this Convention who has not some such ties in the States of the South. It would be as brutal, in my opiuion, to send men to butcher our own brothers of the Southern States, as it would be to massacre them in the Northern States. We are told, however, that it is our duty to, and we must, enforce the law. But why-and what laws are to be enforced ? There were laws that were to be enforced in the time of the American Revolution, and the British Parliament and Lord North sent armies here to enforce them. But what did Washington say in regard to the enforcement of these laws ? Thai man—honored at home and abroad more than any other man on earth ever was honored did he go for enforcing the laws ? No ; he west to resist laws that were oppressive against a free people, and against the injustice of which they rebelled. Did Lord Chatham go for enforcing the laws ? No; he gloried in defence of the liberties of America. He made that memorable declaration in the British Parliament, • If I was an American citizen, instead of, as I am, an Englishman, 1 never would submit to such laws never, never, never!' Such is the spirit that animates our Southern brethren, and shall wo war upon them for it ? No. We must avert civil war, if possible ; and I close by exhorting my brethren to do all in their power to avert civil war. Concession—conciliation—anything but that; and no man among us in his dying hour will regret that his conscience is clear, and that he can lay his hand upon his heart and say, 'I did all in my power to turn from the bosom of my country the horrible blow of civil war'"

Immense sensation followed the remarks of the venerable Chancellor, and the deep silence that had attended his remarks was followed by an entlwaiastic outburst of applause. Mr. George, ol Orange, and Mr. Souter, of Queens," both natives of Virginia, responded in touching terras to the remarks of Chancellor Wai worth, and a large portion of the Convention gave vent to their feelings in tears. The scene was rendered yet more impressive and effecting when Mr. W. H. Carrol took the floor, and with all the eloquence of deep feeling appealed to the North to stay its hand before it did any act to plunge the country in civil war. The venerable appearance of Mr. Carroll, and his allusion to his ancestors, one of whom signed the Leclaration of Independence, while his grandfather, Daniel Carroll, ceded to the United States his manor on which now stands the Federal Capitol, touched the heart of the Convention, and when he had closed a unanimous cull was made for the adoption of a second resolution

against civil war by acclamation, and it was carried with a burst of applause that made the rafters of the building ring. This scene was the great feature of the morning session. The resolutions gave rise to some debate, but they were ultimately adopted with out amendment.

The sales of land by the Illinois Central (says the Herald) aro larger than in auy previous year in January. The commissioner writes that the sales are in small tracts; tlie purchases average less than 70 acres to each settler. Quite a colony of Germans have made purchases this month, and the company have advices from Sweden of a party making up for a settlement on the company's lands in the central cart of the State this spring. The sales in January amount *° n or.o? 35d01' 91 °"' and tbeoasn collected to 72,<2 / ddol. 44c. Last year the sales in January ?nn\??'? 8 ooolt 81 °" and tho cash Reeled 50,054d01. 220,

Every husband thinks that he can tame a shrew except the poor fellow that owns her,