FRANCE.

Colonist, Volume IV, Issue 366, 26 April 1861, Page 3

FRANCE.

OPENING OP THE CHAMBERS. SPEECH OP THE EMPEROR. ' The opening of the French Chambers took place on February 4th, with the customary formalities, in the Grand Hall of the Louvre. The following is a translation of the speech read by the Emperor:— " Messieurs les Senateurs, Messieurs les Deputes,— " The speech at the opening of each session sums up in a few words the past events and the projects of the future. Up to this day that communication, restricted in its nature, has not put my government in relations intimate enough with the great bodies of the State, and these bodies were thu3 deprived of the means of strengthening the government by their public adhesion or .assisting it by their advice. " I have decided that tvery year a general statement of the situation of the empire should be placed before you, and that the more important diplomatic despatches should be laid before your bureaux. " You can also in your address express your opinions on the facts of the day, not, as formerly, by a simple paraphrase of the speech from the throne^ but by the free and loyal expression of your opinion. '; That improvement initates the country more fully into a knowledge of itsowntiffairs, and makes better known to it those who govern as well as ', those who sit in the Chambers ;^and, notwithstanding its importance, this change does not alter in any way the1 spirit of the constitution. "Formerly, you are aware, the suffrage was limited. The Chambers of Deputies possessed, it is true, more extended privileges, but the large number of public functionaries who formed part of it gave to the government a direct power of action on its resolutions. The Chamber of Peers also voted the laws, but die majority could be at any moment deposed by the addition of new members. Finally, the laws were not always discussed according to their .real merit, but following the chance which their adoption or rejection would hare in maintaining r upsetting a -Ministry. From that there ensued little sincerity in deliberation, little stability in the progress of the government, and little useful work so accomplished. " To-day all the laws are prepared with care and i mature deliberation by a council composed of en- '; lightened men who give their advice on all measures to be taken. " Tbe Senate, guardian of the fundamental compact, uses the conservative power of its own initiative only in grave circumstances, and not only " examines the laws on the sole consideration of their constitutionality, but constitutes a true court of political appeal, and.is composed of a number, of members that cannot be exceeded. :" The Legislative Corps, it is true, idoes not mix itself in all the details of administration, but it is elected directly by universal suffrage, and does not count in its body any public functionary. It discusses the laws with the most complete freedom. If they are rejected, it is a warning of which the ; .government.takes'notice, but their rejection does ~ not sh#ke the government nor arrest the progress oi ; affairs, and does not oblige the sovereign to take for councillors the men who have not his confidence. '■■'■■ *' Such are the principal differences between; th 3 present constitution apd .that which preceded the revolution of February../ " Exhaust, gentlemen,,during the vote on the Address, all points of discussion, according to the proportion of their importance, that .-you may have the power afterwards to devote yourselves.entirely , r to.the affairs of the country; for, if these, points demand a profound: and conscientious examination, the other interests in their turn impatiently expect prompt decisions. "On the eve of more detailed explanations, I will limit myself to recalling to mind, that which has been done at home and abroad. " At home, all the measures that have been taken tend to increase the agricultural, commercial, and industrial production. The dearness of all things is the inevitable consequence of the increasing prosperity, but at least ought we to seek to lender articles of first necessity the least dear. It is with that view that we have diminished the duties on raw materials,' have signed a treaty of commerce with England, have projected' or contracted other treaties with neighbouring countries, and facilitated everywhere the means of communication and of transport. •' To realise these economical reforms we have renounced 90,000,000 of annual receipts, yet the budget will be presented to you in equilibrium, without its having been necessary to have recourse to the creation of new taxes nor to the public credit, as I announced to you last year. "The changes introduced into the administration of Algeria have vested thesuperor direction of affairs, in the population themselves. The illustrious services of the marshal placed at the! head of the, colony are guarantees of order and prosperity. " Abroad I have endeavoured to prove in my lektions withforiegn Powers that France sincerely desirej peace; that, without renouncing a legitimate influence, she does not pretend to interfere' anywhere where her interests are not at stake; and, fi lally, that if she entertains sympathies for all that is noble and grand, she does not heti ate to. cor.demn everything tending to violate personal rights and justice. "Events difficult to forsee have arisen to com-

plicate in Italy a situation already sufficiently embarrassing. ' . > "My government, in accord with its allies, "has believed that the best msans of obviating the greatest dangers was to have recourse to a principle of our policy of non-intervention, which leaves each country master of its destinies, localises questions, and prevents them from degenerating into European conflicts. " I certainly do not ignore the fact that this system has the inconvenience of appearing to authorise many annoying excesses, and extreme opinions would prefer, the one that France should take part with all kinds of revolutions, the other that she should put herself at the head of a general reactionary movement. 1 shall not allow myself to be turned aside from my course by either of these opposing influences. It is enough for the grandeur of the country that it should maintain its right where it is indispensable, to defend its honour where it is attacked, to lend its assistance where it may be invoked in favour of a just cause. "It is thus that we have maintained our right in causing the acceptance of the cession of Savoy and Nice. These provinces are at the present day irrevocably united to France. "It is thus that to avenge our honour in the extreme East our flag, united with that of Great Britain, has floated victoriously from the walls of Fekinj and that the cross—emblem of Christian civilisation—again surmounts in the capital of China the temples of our religion, closed for more than a century. ." It is thus that, in the name of humanity, our troops have gone to Syria, in virtue of a European convention, to protect Christians against a blind fanaticism. "At Koine I have thought it nectssary to augment the garrison when the security of the Holy Father appeared to be menaced. I despatched my fleet to Gaeta at the moment when it seemed the last refuge of the King of Naples. After leaving it there for four months I have withdrawn it, however worthy of sympathy a royal misfortune so nobly supported might appear. "The presence of our ships obliged us to infringe every day that principle of neutrality which 1 had proclaimed, and gave room for erroneous interpretations. Indeed, you know that in politics people do not belive in purely disinterested acts. "Such is a rapid explanation of the general state of avail's. Now that apprehensions are dissii pated, and confidence consolidated, why should, not commercial and industrial affairs renew their activity ? • " My firm determination is not to enter on any conflict where the cause of France is not based upon right and justice. What, therefore, have we to fear? Can a united and compact nation numbering 40,000,000 of souls, anticipate either being drawn into a struggle, the object of which she does not approve, or being provoked by any menace ? " The first virtue of a people is "to have confidence in itself, and not to allow itself to be moved by imaginary alarms. Let us look, therefore, at the future, with calmness, in the full confidence of our power, as of our loyal intentions. Let us devote ourselves, without exaggerated anxiety, to the development of the germs of prosperity that Providence has placed in our hands." [The speech was, on the whole, coldly received. The Deputies listened to the denuciation of the last free Chamber in profound silence, and the only burst of warm applause followed the allusion to the protection offered to the King of Naples. This was interpreted as an evidence of reactionary feeling, but is far more likely to have been a mere outburst of French "sentiment." French actors expect and French andiences concede that rounded periods about misfortune and nobility should be followed by applause. The impression made by the speech in France and Europe generally cannot be said to have been favourable; in some quarters ie has been regarded as almost a menace.]