THE PRESS AND THE STAFFORD MINISTRY.

Colonist, Volume IV, Issue 330, 18 December 1860, Page 3

THE PRESS AND THE STAFFORD MINISTRY.

"As to our. Governor, we are unable to connect " Ms name toith a single act of statesmanship since "he came to New Zealand; and the Prime "Minister, Mr. Stafford, has fallen into such "thorough discredit, from his apparent apathy " and exclusive devotion to therediapestical proof office, that were he now to offer himself * for re-election in Nelson, we really believe he would not poll a scoßß of|votes."— Nelson Examiner, January 29,1858. ( From the New Zedlander.) Them never was a period in jSTew Zealand in which more important questions of political economy were under consideration,—a time of which it may be more truly said than of any other, that we are passing through an eventful crisis. The two great questions of the day are those of the " native policy " and the struggle between " Provincialism and Centralism." Throughout the entire polioy of the present Ministry there has been manifested a strong under-current of Centralism. Coil by coil have the folds of the net been gathered (sometimes by stealth, as in the attempted misappropriation of the surplus revenue; at other times openly, as in the passing of the New Provinces Act) till the moment shall have arrived when their bewildered victim, like the gladiator entangled in the net of the Eetiarius of the Roman Amphitheatre, may fall an easy prey to the coup-de-grace of the "brazen trident;" It were difficult to say, into what amount of disaster the country might be plunged if the Provincial institutions, which are to the colony precisely what the limbs are to the body, should become paralysed. " Local districts and a strong Central Government " is at present a theory in the mouths of \ many. Provincial Governments are held up to ridicule, and declared to be cumbrous, expensive, and inoperative. Let us examine for ourselves the sophistry of this specious cry. Now, the contemplated effect of the New Provinces, or as it has been not inaptly termed '■ the New Polypus Act," would amount to just this—a repetition of the old fable of the bundle of sticks:—the dismemberment of the present powerful Provincial institutions into an infinite number of powerless local districts—powerless for good in meeting the exigences of the districts themselves, and utterly powerless to resist the external pressure, which would be brought to bear upon them; the multiplication of Provincial employes, and the consequently increased expenditure, with an exactly inverse proportion of public benefit derived from the change;—a plea on the part of the General Government for the assumption of those functions at present exercised by the Provinces, including the control over the disposal of the Waste Lands of the Colony, and the expenditure of the whole of the Provincial revenues. In fine, by the skilful disarrangement of one of the cog-wheels, to render the working of the machinery of the Constitution, as at present laid down, impracticable. Municipal institutions we cannot but look upon as other than valuable accessories to the harmonious working of every free system of legislation—and it is simply because we would have those duties which, in an established country like England, devolve upon them, delegated in like manner to some inferior power than the General Assembly of the colony, that we now so strenuously seek to maintain our present Provinoial system in its integrity. However locally important to the particular districts themselves, the every-day details of their management cannot be undertaken by the Supreme Legislature without impairing its own dignity—distracting its attention from the more important duties of a general nature which properly belong to its functions—and rendering those duties of such a cast as to bring them beneath the consideration and ambition of those possessing such qualities of statesmanship as we have a right to demand and expect from all who presume to offer themselves as candidates for the senatorial dignity. Take, as a single instance, the most important of all Colonial works—the carrying out of which at present devolves upon the Provinces— their various systems of immigration. Now, abolish Provincial institutions, and substitute for them local districts, or,, what is equally the same tbing, carry out the provision of the " New Polypus Act," and make every territory of 500,000 acres possessisg a port and 500 inhabitants (i. c. 200 head of families), the majority of whom may claim to demand it, a separate Province ;■—will any one be bold enough to assert these pigmy States could devise or carry out any efficient system of colonisation ? We think not. There would then be but the one alternative,—the assumption of that function by the only power in the State left capable of exercising it. With the exercise of that power would naturally follow the revenues arising from it—the districts themselves being left to their own power of local taxation for their own local requirements,—and one general system of immigration laid down for the whole Colony, irrespective of the sympathies of the different communities, the peculiarities of the local divi- ; sions of the oountry, and the reoognised principles under which the different settlements had | been formed. This is but one phase of the giant evil—Centralism. Sinking, then, all minor differences—laying aside Provincial squabbles amongst ourselves— it is the duty of the Provinces to unite in one common effort to drive the enemy from the gates. That done, there will be time enough to set our houses in order—a work not. the less easily to be performed, if in our union to defeat the common foe our mutual dependence and co-operation shall have called forth feelings of courtesy and respect between those of opposite opinions* Carefully must wo weigh the qualifications and antecedents of those who come forward as candidates for our suffrages. Let no false delicacy restrain us from a searching investigation into their particular views upon these important questions—let no partiality set aside the exclusion of all whose fidelity is doubtful, however specious their pretensions, however prejudiced in their favor we may be by any minor considerations. The dissolution of the House of Representatives has opened a way for the voice of the people—our political freedom is within our reach. Centralism is the serpent which a jealous ambition has sent to destroy our infant Constitution, but which we trust, like a second infant Hercules, that Constitution will strangle in its grasp. {From the Otago Witness.) We have previously commented on the importance of the present election in settling the question of Provincialism and Centralization, and we again press the matter on the attention [of the^tttt'er^ of Qtago, The avowed intention

of the supporters of the policy of Centralization is to destroy the powers of the Provincial Legislature, and to reduce the Provinces to mere municipalities. Mr. Bell, in bis speech on the New Provinces Amendment Act, clearly and distinctly contended for this view of the future management of the Province. He at consider: * able length quoted the opinions of the framers and supporters of the Constitution Act, Sir John Puking ton and Lord John Russell, to enow that such were their objects, and such the intention, of the Constitution Act. We should oonsider it totally unnecessary to argue this matter in Otago, or to point out how utterly destructive such a thing, if carried into practice, would be to the best interests of Otago, were it not that past experience teaches us that unless the mischief likely to ensue is kept constantly before the eyes of the community, that apathy in public matters, of which we so often have to complain, will be allowed to prevail, and although we are all pretty well of one mind as to what course is desirable, nothing will be done. Let us suppose for one moment that the Provincial Council of the Province were abolished, and that a Municipality were established in its place—something similar to the Dunedin Town Board; supposing suoti a body to be dependent upon the General Government for funds to carry on the public works of the Province, what chance sbonld we have of being allowed to subsidize steamers, or carry on immigration. The former, would be at once declared a visionary proceeding. quite unsuited to the requirements of the Province; and as te immigration,, we should just get the last end of the immigration by ships which would of course touch at every port in New Zealand before they came on to Otago. (From the Otago Colonist.) The proceedings of the General Assemblyi elected in 1855 have been brought to a conclusion, and, notwithstanding some redeeming features appear upon the closing scene, a most lame and impotent conclusion it must on the whole be pronounced to be. The field upon which the great battlo between Provincialism and Centralism was so sturdily maintained with nearly equal forces in 1856, but in which the latter triumphed, was abandoned by the Provincialists in 1858, an opportunity of which their oppoaents did not fail to take advantage, and one unfortunate result of which was the passing of the New Provinces Act. The Provincialists had, therefore, in the session just concluded,, the task of re-forming their ranks, and the difficulty of this operation wa3 no doubt ssriously enhanced by the position they took up at the commencement of the debates upon the question of the Native war. The making of the " origin" of the war a point d'appui for an actack upon the Ministry was a fatal mistake, and only helped to strengthen their adversaries; had they confined their strictures to its "conduct," they would hare carried the general mind of the public with them. Notwithstanding this false step, however— and notwithstanding the mortifying fact that Otago, the province whioh above all others would suffer from Centralisation administered at Auckland, has done so little to avert the calamity—they have succeeded in placing the present Government in a sufficiently contemptible position ; and it must have been only the want of a well-organised combination among themselves, and perhaps the remembrance that the battle must be renewed when a new Assembly meets, that saved the Government from ignominious expulsion. On almost every question of finance, the latter have been thoroughly beaten; and this cannot be wondered at bythose who remember their professions in 1856, and compare them with the result of their administration. Then economy was to be the order of the day ; but it turns out that the governmental expenses have been largsly increased, most of the half-million loan is gone, a considerable portion of the surplus revenue belonging to the Provinces has been impounded; one-third of that portion of the sixths reserved from the land fund of the provinces of the Northern Island for the extinguishment of the native title which has been expended has been swallowed up by the expenses of the department, and the remainder of the reserve retained by the General Government; and now a further loan of ,£150,000 is demanded. Upon various issues arising out of these questions the Government has been worsted by Dr. Featherston and his supporters. The House has decided that the surplus revenues accruing to the Provinces (which tbe Government proposed to apply to the liquidation of their own unauthorised expenditure) shall be paid over to them; but then came the problem, which proved very difficult of solution, from what source were they to obtain cash to make the refund. It is perfectly clear that the producers (the Provinces) would have to pay somehow or other the money, which bad been already spent; but then the Provinces have a claim to every shilling over and above the appropriation, which overrides any demand on the score of supplementary expenditure, and " ready money is an object." Accordingly, at the last moment, and when the Government were regularly cornered (for their obtaining the Loan Bill depended upon the satisfactory settlement of the question), a compromise was effected, by which the Provinces are guaranteed the refund of the surplus revenue retained, and their three-eighths of the Customs for the future, the amount which has been expended being provided for out of tbe surplus revenue for the current and two next years. The justice of handing over the unexpected balance of tbe Land fund sixths to the Northern provinces, though twice affirmed by large majorities in tbe House of Representatives, has been as often negatived in the " Lords/ although the Government had stated in the Lower House that they should offer no further opposition to the measure—a statement which has not held binding by its members in the Upper. That a handful of nominees, many of them mere placemen, should have the power to ignore (especially upon a financial question) the deliberate vote of the representatives of the whole people, is more in accordance with old-world oligarchical ideas than with the genius of colonial institutions; and indeed New Zealand affords the only instance in the Australasian colonies, with the exception of the newly-erected Queensland, in which the nominee principle obtains, a Bill for making the Upper House elective having been some time since introduced into the Assembly of New South Wales, which has probably ere now become law,—an example which there is little doubt will soon be followed in New Zealand. The question upon which the present division has arisen has, however, been shelved until next session. Prima facie, it appears to be of little importance to the. Middla Island* but it is in

reality one in which we are vitally interested. By the financial arrangement of 1856, which was entered into as a permanent settlement, not "a mere sketchy plan;" liable at any time to be overturned, as was nnblushingly asserted by Mr. Richmond, the Middle Island took upon itself the payment, of the New Zealand Company's debt, while £180,000 of the half-million loan was devoted to the extinguishment of tbe Native Title in the Northern Island, the provinces retaining the whole of their land fund. But by an Act passed in 1858, one sixths of the proceeds of tbe sale of land in the Northern Island was to be paid over to the General Government, for the purpose of supplementing the £180,000. Of these sixths, as we have before siated, only a small portion has been expended, aud a large per centage of such expenditure is in the shape of salaries. The unexpended balance the Northern provinces now demand; the Representatives by a majority of 2 to 1, have dec'ared that they are justly entitled to it; but the nominees have presumed to run counter to such an expression of opinion, and tbe question therefore remains in abeyance. We need no ghost to tell us, that if the Government is permitted to play fast and loose with the arrangement of 1856, and to impound and misappropriate the land fund of the Northern Island, they will feel little hesitation in laying their clutches upon that of Canterbury and Otago, Mr. Richmond's view of the temporary character of the arrangement of 1856 (a view strongly denounced by Mr. Sewell, its author) is quite sufficient to put the provinces on their guard, and polioy, as well as justice, calls'for a determined opposition, to any attempt in tbe way of tampering with the arrangement entered into; for if it be virtually upset as regards the Northern Island we have no right to expect the support, of its Representatives in maintaining it intact here, nor should we get that support from them. Mr. Giliies's proposal to repeal the New Provinces Act gave rißo to very lengthy debates (an abstract of which will appear in due course), and caused considerable excitement, it being taken as a vote of no confidence in the Government. The question thus became complicated, and placed the hon. member- (Mr. Garleton), upon whose single vote it was known the division would turn, in a very ridiculous position. He bitterly denounced the Government, avowed his utter want of confidence in either their honesty or their policy, and then declared that he felt himself bound by a pledge given at the commencement of the session to do nothing which should endanger their position, and therefore voted in their favor! How contemptible the position of a Government whose tenure of office depended upon such a vote, or who would even accept it! Upon analysing the division, however, it will be clearly seen that the weight of the House was overwhelmingly against them; while, had the Otago members been in their places, the Ministry would have been in a numerical minority. They were supported, of course, by the Nelson members, who appear contented to form the mere Government tail (although we feat they must be sadly disappointed at being deprived of the quid pro quo in the shape of the expenditure of £50,000 for a penitentiary and lunatic asylum in their province), and by Mr. Bell, a salaried official, the ruck being formed of tho nonentities of the House; while against them they had the great mass of its intelligence and ability. However, on a division, noses are of more account than brains, and the gentlemen who profess to be so desirous of extending the privileges of local government, while their whole end and aim is to concentrate power in themselves, have the opportunity extended for palming off their delusion upon those who are blind enough to be deceived by them. .... Enough has been said, we think, to prove that the party now in power are utterly unworthy of confidence, and such appears to be the general conviotion. We trust this province will perform her part in the establishment of a better order of things, and this can only be effected by our sending up men who will heartily and honestly co-operate with each other, without flinching from their duty. We believe the advance or retrogression of the colony for some years will depend upon the predominance of Centralism or Provincialism in the next Assembly. We do not want a rampant ultra-Provincialism, but that which will leave the provinces at liberty to put forth their energies for colonizing and developing the resources of the country, which a central power will never efficiently do. Who can suppose that Otago would have been what she is, if her affairs had been managed in Auckland? The con* tinuance of tbe Stafford-Richmond Ministry in power is fraught with danger to our land fund, to the integrity of the Province, and to the general prosperity of tbe colony; and it is to be hoped that at the opening of the election campaign iv Dunedin on the 19th proximo, an example will be set which the other districts (the writs for which have not yet arrived) will not be slow to follow. (From the Lyttelton Times.) The provincial governments are essentially colonizing bodies, and by them alone the work of settlement is effected. Consequently whatever cripples or embarrasses or degrades the provincial governments, and does not substitute something more efficient, inflicts deep injury on the country. The existing General Governments of New Zealand is recognised generally as including men of ability and good reputation, but it is given over to a fatal antagonism against the Provincial Governments. Ever since the session of 1856, at the close of which the present ministry took comfortably the reins of office for, a long recess, they have devoted themselves to frustrating, the efforts and diminishing the powers of the provinces. In the session of 1858, when they had time to mature their plans, and chance gave them an opportunity to triumph over all opposition, they brought to consummation a notable plan for splitting up the provinces by internal agency. The New Provinces Act, a measure providing for tbe reduction of provincial governments to insignificance and imbecility, was passed, and ministers triumphed. But they were not satisfied. The same petty annoyances, the same absence of care for the want of cooperation with the provincial authorities, whioh had always distinguished their conduct, became still more conspicuous. This came to a crisis in the financial scheme of the Colonial Treasurer for the current year. The General Government had made its arrangements in the interval between the two sessions to spend more money than it bad. When settling time came, the Colonial Treasurer proposed to meet the sum over-spent by deducting the amount, nearly ,£38,000, from that portion of the ordinary reveuue which is payable by law to the provinces. Tbia might be wrj good nuance for the General

Government, but it would be hopeless to maintain tbe very important establishments, such as gaols, police, &c, entrusted to the provincial governments, if such robberies were committed upon their revenues. The House of Representatives denied peremptorily the right of ministers tomake any such use of provincial funds: but it was practically with very great difficulty that the grasping hand of the Treasurer was stayed. The intention was plain enough; and the arguments used by tbe Government to support their policy of abstraction showed clearly their principles of action, which may be shortly described as utterly subversive of the polioy adopted by the colony at large in 1856. (From the Wellington Spectator.) j The forthcoming election of three members to represent the City" of Wellington in the General Assembly has, owing to the troubled state of the Colony, become a matter of more than ordinary interest and importance. The composition of the new House of Representatives must be a subject of the deepest interest to every elector, particularly to those of this Island, as that body will probably be called upon to legislate on some of the most important questions affecting the future welfare of both races. Whether regard be had to the existing state of affairs, or to the future polioy which is to guide the government of the country, we are persuaded thnt no elector ought to remain an indifferent and passive spectator of the contest, or affect to feel no interest in its probable issue. It is not so much of the men as of the princiciples and policy they represent that we intend to speak. . . . . According to Mr. Wakefield the Stafford Ministry do not go far enough for him, be wishes to have them turned out and a stronger Ministry put in their place, but this is precisely what Dr. Featherston all but effected in tbe last session. Mr. Bowler who is rather hazy on this point, Just hints a fault and hesitates dislike. He thinks the Stafford Ministry more to be pitied than blamed, but he intimates he would rather see Mr. Stafford minister,—he would rather the Colony should suffer any evil than that Dr. Featherston and his party should get into power. On this point Mr. Park maintains a discreet silence; and yet Mr. Wakefield vouches for the cordial co-operation with him of his two colleagues! If the electors disapprove of the Stafford Ministry and desire to see them make way for better men, that change will be more surely effected by Dr. Featherston than by Mr. Wakefield, and will most probably be prevented unless the eleotors return men of one mind to represent this province. .... Messrs. Hunter and Stokes desire to see this wretched war, which we owe to the folly of the present Ministry and the incapacity of the Governor, brought as speedily as possible to an honorable end, and such a policy adopted in future in the management of native affairs as will render the recurrence of such an event im« possible.

Ma. Stafford.—We copy the following from a correspondent of the New Zealander who signs himself ' And so Forth':— * I observe in your last issue a remark that throws some light on the on-dit that Mr. Stafford had intended to do Auckland City the great honor of presenting himself as a candidate for one of seats in the House of Representatives. You speak of Dr. Monro as "the probable successor of Sir Charles Clifford in the honorable office of Speaker." Should the Doctor be elected to fill the chair (and no one would be more pleased than myself to see him there) the Nelson supporters of the Stafford Ministry would be reduced by one. Should Mr. Stafford succeed, however, in winning the "sweet voices" of an Auckland constituency, "obsequious Nelson" would no doubt return a member in his place as docile asj the other representatives were in the late session, —and the Ministry would lose nothing by assisting in their friend's elevation. This would no doubt be a very nice little arrangement if it could be carried out; at any rate there are some reasons for supposing that it was contemplated. When Mr. Stafford chooses to be " amiable," you may be sure there is an end to be gained: certain little " winning ways," exhibited before deputations of the Chamber of Commerce and the Rifle Association, were noticed hy some with much pleasure, but the "hand was seen, and the " game " was not to be won on this occasion.' Holloway's Ointment.—Measles, Scarlatina— These are the first great trials after birth to which our children are obnoxious. Both diseases are very infectious, and both require judicious management. In one the chest, in the other the throat is most likely to suffer; but the mother or nurse will find in Holloway's Ointment a sovereign value for these distressing symptoms. When rubbed upon the throat, chest, and back, it is absorbed, the respiration becomes more tranquil, the cough less troublesome, the lips grow less livid, the eye brightens, and the countenance loses that anxious gaze always the forerunner of a serious assault on the constitution and nervous system. This invaluable ointment not only cures the urgent symptoms but dispels all dangerous sequels.

I BEG TO PEOPOSE. Tabitha Turntable, Kate Scrogginsj and me Sat talking as usual over our tea On subjects demanding our deepest reflection, The deepest of all was the coming election. Have you read, says Tabitha, that telling long letter; I don't think that Fox could have written a better ; For it looks like a grand panorama, and shews Oui senators' deeds from commencement to close. Well really, said I, a little elated, I looked very large when I wrote home and stated That the settlers in Nelson were getting such swells, We were soon to^have railroads and all to ourselves. Katie put down her cup, and theti finished the joke By declaring their doings had ended in smoke, And the money they wanted was only a whim Just to build a fine place to put themselves in. Well, setting aside all the laughing and fun, Some members are wanted, and what's to be done ? To send back the usuals seems malice prepense, Unless we supply them with honest good sense. After t,U, said Tabitha, they'd do just as well As the rest of the " socials " for aught I can tell: But now a bright thought has come into my headLet the men stay at home and we'll go instead. It will make quite a change in the face of affairs, If they '11 do our business whilst we manage theirs ; •' For in all things of import under the sun, Set the women to work; and 'tis sure to be done. .'•' Let us have a seat in the next legislation And we'll carry the day as regards compensation, The railroad itself shall rattle with joy, Folks shall not turn cranky for want of employ. And wouldn't we try with our main and our might To set matters at that Taranaki all right; For living in peace is better than war, Since women the principal sufferers are. Then Kate Scroggins remembered to have read in a book, (And when she got home intended to look) Where some good man had written what women can do,. Convinced more than ever 'twas every word true. There's a place, said she, in it, he does recommend The' country should women to Parliament send, Instead of the men who do nothing at all But find fault with each other and ugly names call. So we thought it but right the electors should know That if women were asked to the Council they'd go, And if women were sent no better could be Than Tabith» Turntable, K,ate, Soroggins, and me. WHQ'&ME?