LATEST FROM AUCKLAND.

Colonist, Volume IV, Issue 317, 2 November 1860, Page 2

LATEST FROM AUCKLAND.

{From the Wellington Independent.) [from our own correspondent.]

5 Auckland, September 18th, .1860. I concluded ivy last letter by telling you that the principal business of the session—war and native affairs, had been hung up, in consequence of information reaching the House that the Governor had recommended legislation at home on the latter subject, and the House refusing to go on further till it knew what might have been done or doing in Parliament. The Colonial Office despatches, however, which arrived a week after the suspension of native business, contained no information on the subject—so the " Resolutions '' and Native Offenders' Bill have been proceeded with. The former' you will recollect originated with Sewell who. tabled a long series, more for the purpose of forcing the Government to declare its policy than anything else, —an object which he attained, the Ministry bringing forward a series of their own, and the two being fought through side by side. After a great many days' debate, a conglomerate series, made up of parts of both, was adopted by the House, but as with other documents of the same sort, probably no practical result will follow*. The Native Offenders' Bill was a more important matter, and created great excitement both in doors and out. Its supporters looked upon it as a panacea of all native difficulties,. land squabbles, King movements, itch, and extinction of race. Its opponents denounced it as a lucifer match about to be poked into a barrel of gunpowder, an irritant that would raise a blister on the sole of a shoe, and as certain to generalize the war which so far has been confined to a single province. The natives themselves were reported to be in a state of alarm, and threatening messages from Waikato were circulated on the subject. The first reading had given rise to the discussion on the Taranaki purchase, but the Bill itself bad not been handled on the occasion. On Tuesday last, however, (11th September}3fhe second reading was moved, a very vigorous adebate of twelve hours ensued: the Government declared it to be a ministerial question and brought all the pressure. they could to bear upon it; and at last after a desperate struggle they carried it by a majority of two-ror strictly speaking a majority of one; as Dillon Bell after speaking strongly against the measure, declined to vote. 1 hear he takes credit to himself for independence in refusing his vote to the Government whose official he is. I confess I cannot understand how, after asserting in the strongest manner, as he did, *' that if the Bill passed, the Northern Island would be uninhabitable by white men," he could reconcile it to his conscience, to refuse to vote in accordance with his opihion; or how he could conceive that he exhibited independence by the course he pursued. Hemus^ either have preferred the interests of the Ministry, or his own personal interest, to that of the Northern Island—and put it which way you will it is a kind \of independence which, if t was a legislator, I should be sorry to imitate. You will find a pretty good report of the debate in the New Zealander. But these reports give you little notion of the reality. Some members, (such as poor old Domett for instance) whose 'speeches are dreary beyond belief and almost unintelligible as delivered in the House, contrive to figure well with rounded periods and .flowing oratory in the columns of the newspaper—while others such as Fitzherbert, whose power of illustration and sarcasm you well know, Sewell who speaks much and often, or Fox who speaks at railway pace, are shorn of their fair proportions, and their speeches reduced to mere notes. I do not blame the reporters for this—they probably do the best that can be done under the circumstances, and trust a good deal to speakers reporting their own "say": but it gives to a debate in print a very different effect to the debate in reality; and makes some members who usually talk to empty benches, apparently as prominent as those who electrify the gallery or are the life of the House. What will be done with the Bill remains to be seen. The smallness ot the majority by which it was carried deprives the decision of that moral weight which is essential to the effective working of so ticklish a measure—the more, so as the majority was really obtained by the votes of Southern Island men opposed to four-fifths of those of the North—a point which it is well to bear in rom as having occurred on all native questions throughout the session. The general imprest ion ia that the Bill will not get through cominitUeani third reading—but with such a house it is difficult to predict'with any certainty, and I shall probably be able to report the result before the departure of the mail.

Thj» slack week which intervened while the housiwas waiting for the Governor's despatches, was eTOvened by two rather spicy debates on the Wellington District Judgeship. Carter moved for the instructions under which Hart holds, or rather does noj; hold, his District Courts, and complained grievously of the manner in which the Wairarapa is-neglected by him, contrasting the course pursued by him with that which his predecessor Ward adopted. Fox spoke to the same "effect, and.raised''•the question as to why Ward had been dropped out of the appointment. Richmond very incautiously admitted or rather boasted that Ward has been > removed' because he was a strong local political partisan, and obnoxious to a political party in Wellington, which Mr Hart was lot He also bragged of Hart's great legal attain ments. Thelatter might well exclaim 'save me from my friends;' for tins line of defence brought down a fresh motion by Fox for the production of memorials received by the governn.eit requesting that Ward might be appointed Judge; and. a second debate ensued, in which.Ward's character was most fully vindicated, his entire abstinence from politics while judge admitted on all sides, his equality with Hart as a lawyer shewn by his much larger private practice, and it was made clear that his non-appointment was attributable solely to the political bias of the Ministry It was shewn also that he had performed his duties as Judge to the entire satisfaction of all the districts in which he presided; and that numerous memorials for ins reappointment had beensentin; while representations from three different districts, Hawkes Bay, Wairarapa, and Wanganui, were xomplaimng bitterly before the house of Harts shortcomings. Fitzeerald amused the house with an Irish Bull, offering as a sort of excuse for Havt s aversion to hold more frequent courts in the country,-that he couldn't sit on horseback without tumbling- off. It was also shewn that while Ward had taken very little part in local politics only having once contested a seat, and that for the. General Assembly. Hart had been a candidate fto both general and provincial seats on several occasions, and had identified himself with party politics, mucli more decidedly than evar Ward had done. The. appointmeits of other district judges were also commented on, as showing that local politics were no disqualification, when they happened to be on the side Espoused by the General Government, and the cases of Harris, Travers, and others were brought forward. The general character of the other subordinate judicial appointments of the colony was also touched upon, and the inconsistency of the ministry was ridiculed in declining to appoint Ward on the plea of political bias, and yet retaining St. Hill in office when candidate for the superintendence and an Ahuriri justice was also alluded to who fought in the street with a suitor ot his court, without any reprimand from the Government, as an instance of the small amount of anxiety on their part really to keep the bench respectable. Speaking of Travers reminds me of another episode with which his name was connected and which gave rise to a discussion very damaging to Ministers. Supplementary estimates for 1857-8 being before the house, a lump sum of upwards of £1000 was put down for Legislative; General, including printing &c.'' Stafford being asked to explain, led the House to believe that three fourths of the amount was for "printing and the rest for analogous objects connected with the Houses of Assembly." After the item had passed on this assurance, the Audit Committe discovered that some £150 of this was a fee to Travers, for relieving the Attorney General, Whitaker, of the labor of drawing five Bills, which had never been used, but were still lying and likely to lie for ever in the pigeon holes of the Government offices. Ward of Lyttelton brought the matter before the House. Thedisingenousnessofthe Ministry in trying to smuggle the item through was made apparent to everybody, and the result certainly did not tend to raise their character for honesty. The item was re-committed, and Travers' fee knocked off. The less you say about it however, the better, lest you be sent to keep company with Mr. Saunders and the Nelson Colonist; but your readers may infer by this sample how the money goes.- I don't know who is Whitaker's "devil" at present; but if he is paid according to the same scale as Mr. Travers was, he will soon be the richest man in these diggings. About the war, you probably have as late news as we have. We have heard a good deal about its " vigorous prosecution," and the new tactics which were to be adopted when Colonel Gold should be Buperceded by General Pratt. I presume the recent events at Taranaki are specimens of what we may expect. They certainly do not contrast very forcibly with Gold's proceedings. A vast preparation, which was to result in the demolition of Wi Kingi and all his rebels, terminates in the capture of an evacuated pah, the plunder in which as Fox remarked in the House consisted of an old pair of breeches, emblematic of the " leg bail" which the Maoris had given, and a broken tobacco pipe, indicative of the smoke in which our operations had ended. The flag which was takjn on a previous occasion was brought to Auckland, walked in procession, and presented to the Governor with a neat and appropriate speech. Whether the pipe and the breeches will be added to his Excellency's trophies lam not aware- When the time shall arrive that he is elevated to the peerage for his services in New Zealand, I should recommend that they be included in the " heraldic bearings" by which his title may be distinguished.

Fox moved a week or two ago for the production of any instructions which might have been given to Colonel Gold, restraining him fronvac'tive operations. Stafford on agreeing to the motion, intimated that he would give a good deal more than was asked for or expected, and his tone was supposed to indicate that there was some rod in pickle for poor Gold. The reverse, however, | turns out to be the case the instructions are now j on the table, and it appears that from the 4th. of i April to the sth of July, just three months, Gold was either absolutely or partially, prohibited from attacking King or crossing the Waitara river. From the 17th May to the latter date, the prohibition was absolute; unless Wi Kingi commenced the attack. It is true that he was at liberty to attack the Ngatiruanuis, and Taranakia; but there is no doubt that such an interference with his tactics as the Instructions contained, would fully clear his military character, either at the Horse Guards or before a Court martial, I send you extracts from the documents, which you are at liberty to use. The coarse abuse which.J r C. Richmond heaped upon "this man" whose "utter incapacity ''the valorous volunteer was denouncing will probably not much trouble the Colonel, while he has these instructions in his pocket to justify and account for. his inaction. Another return obtained by the same member is one of the number of arms, &c, exported from Auckland since let January, 1860. It appears from, this document, that subsequently to the fligning of the proclamation of martial law, more than a thousand stand of percussion muskets, were allowed to leave the colony! Further returns have .since been asked for, extending to other provinces. What shall be said of a Government which while it armed the natives to the teeth, thus stripped the.colonists of protection, at the very moment when they were declaring war ? The extent to which they have armed the natives by the relaxation of Sir. George Grey's retrictions on the sale of arms and ammunition, is shewn by other returns laid before the House, and is not a little; startling and suggestive. It appears that in the three years elapsed since .the removal of the restrictions, the natives have purchased somewhere about 6000 stand of .arms, costing at the lowest estimate £20,000 ; ; between thirty and forty thousand pounds of powder, worth about £10,000; shot to the value of £5,000 or £6,000; and caps in proportion;—-in all not less than £40,000 worth of arms and ammunition. When old Te Whero Whero heard that the Governor had relaxed the restrictions, he came to Auckland for the express purpose of cautioning him against it; he told him that the natives unarmed were like a river dammed up; but that if he put arms into their hands they would burst their bounds,,and devastate the colony. The friendly warniog was neglected^ and the present fearful .crisis is the result. IQthSeptejwber.—^astn^hto^the Hquae .be-

ing moved into Committee of Supply, Featherston entered on a full criticism of Ricliniond's financial statement. His speech, as usual with him on such subjects, was full and able, and while it convicted the present government of gross extravagance, pointed the way to various retrenchments, some of which will probably bo forced upon the ministry. He also dissected the Tariff, proving that while it caused a loss of at least £25,000 a-yeav to the colony, it taxed the laborer heavily, and let off the capitalist comparatively scot free. He also touched on the negociation of the loan, which he argued had robbed thecolonyof ,£30,000 or £40,000, which had gone into the pockets of the Union Bank, in consequence of Sewell not having thrown it .open to public competition. Sewell of course fired up at this, and demanded a reference to that convenient tribunal, a select committee of his own nomination. Richmond tried a reply, but was feeble and personal, and us is too often the case, with him, any thing but choice in the distribution of epithets, "base insinuations," "gross misrepresentations," and so forth being sent flying at the heads of his opponents. Some, allusions in particular to Wellington finance brought out Fox, who got the minister into " chancery," aud dangled him unmercifully in front of an amused house and a " screeching gallery, reminding him of certain passages which had occurred in 1856. When Carter followed, and was commencing a capital speech, Richmond found it convenient to go down to Bellamy's, anold established, but not very plucky practice with the Stafford ministry, whenever they are likely to catch punishment; a practice of which the handling given to Stafford by Hall of Canterbury last session, and which is still " a tradition of the House," ought, but seems not, to have cured them. .; -ji .-..■? A^Steam Committee,' appointed onFeatherston's motion, on which were Williamson, Sewell, Campbell, Forsaith, and Fitzgerald, have unanimously (except I believe the last) recommended .retrenchment on that head, and a return to the old arrangements, by which the Auckland direct boat, and the White Swan will be knocked off. Both of these you will remember were, added by the Government without theauthority of the House, involving an increase of £10,000 a-year. The Committee declines in the v present state of the finances of the colony," to recommend any action on the Panama route.

22nd September.—The debate on Featherston'a resolution, after two days' duration, ended on Thursday night in the defeat of the Ministry by a majority of two. 19 to 17 and one member absent, who it was believed would have voted with the majority. The Ministry at the commencement of the debate threatened resignation, but as defeat became more probable, they rather drew back from this position, and have since submitted to their drubbing "and made no sign." I must explain the circumstances which' led to Featherston's motion. The Surplus revenue Act of 1858, the act of the present ministry, carrying out the same principle as the Constitution Act, gives to the provinces all surplus revenue not appropriated by ,the General Assembly. During the last two years a sum of about £30,000 accrued beyond the 3-Bths which the Government of its own authority had fixed as the provincial amount, and under the act became the money of the provinces. The Government instead of dividing it as it came to hand, first kept it back and finally spent it on objects unauthorised by law. Featherston's resolution affirmed the principle of the Eevenue Act, and declared that it ought to be paid over to the provinces forthwith. Richmond had no reply but that it was spent and he could not pay it back. The House however took a contrary view, and resolved that he must find the money somewhere, and pay it over as soon as the accounts can be made up. In the course of the debate Crosbie Ward made an excellent speech which will give him a high standing in the House. Moorhouse gave Stafford an awful dressing for his anti-provincial tendencies and his habit of sneering at Superintendents ; reminding him of the days when he himself aped the ways of royalty as Superintendent at Nelson. It was the severest cutting up I have heard in the House, done right well and con amove. It brought the Prime Minister to his legs; but a more miserable piece of mountebanking than his attempted reply, I never witnessed. On such occasions he gets himself into a state of semi-hyste-rical laughter, forestalling his joke, which when it comes, fails to tickle anybody but himself; the house after a little begins to laugh at him, not with him; this he mistakes for success, and goes on in the same way for perhaps half an hour, rambling into every conceivable topic, throwing himself into all sorts of undignified attitudes, and looking much more like a Merry Andrew than a Prime Minister. This was his first exhibition ia this line this session. Previously he had spoken very little, and with much gravity and solemnity. On this occasion I heard a member say ' now we see the man as he really is ;' and a pitiable exhibition of himself it certainly was. The fact is that the only man at the ministerial table who shews any talent is Richmond. He has great industry, and a good deal of acuteness, which however is not always exercised without sophistry and cunning. The amount of work in the House which the other ministers have laid on him is disgraceful. He has not only played the part of leader on all occasions, but done all the fag work, such as taking bills through Committee and so forth also. He looks worn and haggard while Stafford and Weld look as bright as new pins. The latter has proved an entire failure, and prudently, since the first week or two, has held his peace. In debate his tongue goes a great deal quicker than his brain, so that there is no connection in his speeohes till written out for the reporters the next day. He introduced the New Representation Bill a week ago, a- good opportunity for a young member, but he made nothing of it whatever, shewing himself no; more equal to his task when fully prepared, than when caught in the heat of parliamentary struggle. He is evidently a loose thinker, and more of a dilkttante politician than a real worker. It is a mistake for a man to take office in a ministry before he has won his spurs in debate; he is necessarily somewhat tied down in office, and unless he has shown himself equal to the best men in the House before he gets into harness, he will seldom rise to their level afterwards. , .:.:■-

Among other retrenchments on the estimates will probably be a considerable one under the head of militia. The bombastic and tyrannical doings of the " Milishy Hofficers," are disgusting everybody and no wonder when we hear of them " damning V their men on parade, ordering them to "carry arms," after " stand at ease;" and other absurdities. Goodness! to think of having to take the field under the command of these buff jerkin heroes! The remedy is to have only volunteer forces, with the right of selecting their, own officers. There is no doubt that if rifles were provided, the colonists of New Zealand will soon become a very efficient volunteer force—while it is equally certain that if forced into soldiering under the present system, they will never become, a trustworthy army. Many members of the House have come round to this opinion, and were it not for the patronage which the militia system gives to the Government, it would probably not have a single supporter.

24.—The English mail arrived on Saturday night —the telegraphic news having been forestalled by one of Henderson and McFarlane's clippers on the previous day. The 14th regiment is ordered to hold itself in readiness for New Zealand. The last mail brought despatches from the Duke oi Newcastle saying that it was with great difficulty troops could be spared, but that if the next mail from the colony reported fresh disasters one regiment would be sent to relieve the 65th, and the Governor might retain both till the war was over. The 14th is I suppose the one fixed upon ; but it will probably not leave Eogja'nd till after they hear of the Watfara affair, which would not be till September There were severe despatches from the Admiralty blowing up the Governor for forming a naval brigade ashore, and j suppose from what. I hear that that branch of the force is by this time on its way back to their sevei al ships.' The Niger was sent down for the Iris' nien a week ago. ' A most important and valuable report apd ap-

pendices was laid on the table last Week, relative to the king movement, it was wrttten by Fenton in 1857, and gives the Governor full particulars and ample warning of the character, of the, movement, suggesting the means of meeting it and turning it to ad vantage. It, led to Fenton's being1 sent down to Waikatoto initiate hisipolicy, but just as he'was getting his machinery into operation he was brought away again, owing it is believed to M'Lean's jealousy of a man who is every way his superior, and who if left among the natives in' such a capacity, wonld soon have cast Donald completely into the shade. M'Lean seems to have advised the Governor that the king movement was " mere talk," and persuaded him to treat it.with "perfect indifference.'' The result was that after Fenton's removal, being unchecked and undirected, it made those rapid strides which brought it to maturity in the following year. It is too bad that this very able document which convicts the Governor of the grossest neglect and misapprehension of the king movement (though with such full and clear warning, and the means of checking it actually in his hands), has been kept back to this late period of the session, while the table of the House house been burdened with piles of papers not one of which (on native questions) was of a tenth part of the value of this. I will send you a copy if I can obtain one in time for the mail.

Somebody has 1 see been hoaxing yon about the Kohimaramar Conference. It was a most miserable failure : a most transparent farce; and except the members of Mr M'Lean's staff, I have not met with a single person here who does not admit it. The chiefs present in no sense represented the natives of New Zealand, having been summoned at Mr. M'Lean's caprice, and not including, I believe, a single disaffected one. The talk was flat in the extreme, and to those who have witnessed the life, and energy which pervades the discussions' in their own "runangas," it had all the air of a feeble play badly rehearsed. Every thing was evidently cut and dried before hand, and you may gather, from the letters of the Rev. Mr. Burroughs in the Southern Cross, by what sort of proceedings the "Ayes" were obtained to the resolutions. The power of face which the Native Secretary must have exercised when he put them into the hands of the movers and seconders, must have been edifying. I'hope that the gentleman's political doings will soon cease, as the House of Representives has unanimously passed a resolution' affirming that the Land Purchasing and political functions ought to be carried on by separaie departments. Another curious document was brought to light by a motion for papers relative to the celebrated " Taranaki petition.1' Among;them is a report on that petition, by Mr. McLean, dated 1858, in which he tells the Governor that any attempt, to press forward purchases at Taranaki must lead to a war; that such a proceeding can only be maintained by force; and he cautions him that if he attempts in that district, he must carry it out all through the islands. Notwithstanding this, the Governor barely a year afterwards, matters having got still more complicated in the interval, goes into the E. Teira treaty, the propriety and prudence of which McLean now supports with all the ability he can command. The same report contains a curiou3 statement. McLean informs the Governor that Wi Kingi and his people had over and over again offered to sell Waikanae—but that he had steadily refused the offer lest they should goto Taranahi. This of course was before their migration in 1849, also that Te Ringi Kuri's offers elsewhere had been I'efused for the same reason; Thus the interests of Wellington have been sacrificed for the benefit, or supposed benefit, of Taranaki. It is no wondeivthat such tortuous schemes should havo nded as they have done. There appears to have been a settled design on the part of the Land Purchase jpepartment, from the time that Grey received instructions to get land at Taranaki, in' lieu of what Fitzroy gave up, not to let Wi Kingi get a footing there again. You remember Grey's attempts to stop him in 1849. This refusal of Waikanae by McLean was evidently part of that scheme; and though Kingi's boldness in returning defeated their plans, they seem never to have given up the determination to get possession of Waitara. The " pressure from without" of certain interested parties at Taranaki and in Auckland, precipitated tlje movement; and this unhappy war is> the insult. This document will be printed on Mr. Fox's motion; but. like Fenton's reportit has been kept back till it can be of little use in the discussion on the war question.

The special doiugs of your members you' will gather from the papers. Like the rest of the House they have attended closely to business, and I should think will not be sor|y when the session is over and they get leave to return to their " domestic hearths." Of the old hands and their style of doing business, I need pot say anything—but you will be glad to hear that both Renall and Carter have taken an, excellent place in debate, and the former in particular is becoming a decided favorite with the House. If Wellington had sent its present compact phalanx in 1856, the fate of the colony and of that province in particular would have been very different. When she sent Ludlam, Smith, and Bell, to thwart the 3 F's she committed an act of political felode se, which has very justly reduced her for four years past to a position of humiliation from which even the present strong front which her united eight exhibit, will scarcely be able to redeem her. It was one of those false steps the consequences of which will be felt for yeara if not for ever.

P.S.—lt is rumoured this morning that there are letters by this mail stating that one regiment has sailed and another to follow—But a well informed party has just told me that he ,has three letteis ft;om officers of the 60th,,a1l of which say that only one is coming. The other meaning the regiment already arrived from Australia. . ■• ■ >

26th September.—-The break down of the White Swan enables me to record the important events of yesterday. The House was moved.into Committee on the Native Offenders' Bill, when Sewell moved an amendment of "that day six months.1' A debate ensued which ended in a division of 18 to 18, whereon the Speaker'gave his casting vote with the "Noes.'1 The Government however felt that it was impossible to carry thebill farther against so formidable an opposition and with so much excitement among both races out of doors, and they therefore withdrew it. They might have done so with much better grace before the division ; but they could not bring their pride down to the requisite level till the necessity was actually forced upon them. .

The House was then moved into committee on the Representation Bill, when Fox moved "that day six months amendment." ;The debate occupied the restof the morning sitting, and after dinner till ll£ p.m., when it was adjourned till Thursday, when the Government threatened if the Bill be materially altered they will throw it up. The opposing members are to have a meeting about it in the interval.

But the most interesting item of the day was the the production of the Colonial office despatches received by the English mail in reply to, the demand for troops made by the Colonial Government. Mr. Cornwall Lewis,' by whom they are signed' (in the absence I suppose of the Duke of Newcastle), scouts the idea of the home Government sending either 30p0 or 5000 soldiers,.stating that "a policy which requires such aid stands self-condemned." One regiment will be sent to relieve the 65th, the'ships which bring out the former being chartered to take back the latter; but if the war is not.over, (which, jt is anticipated it will be,) the 65th may be detained. Mr. Lewis winds up by stating that the "British Government cannot be expected to resort to that vast expenditure of blood and treasures to which Mr. Richmond invites it!" I shall endeavor to send you a copjr of the document, which no doubt you will lose no time in printing, to correct the misapprehensions existing on this subject. The Government hangers-on here were circulating a report only a few days ago that 5000 men were on the way out! ■' ... ...

Considerable amazement \yas excited during the morning, by Mr. Fox reading a report on, a debate in the House of Lords in the 'Morning Berqldj in which Lord Grenville is rqade to say that th.c QoYemor had written home that tt tl^e great qbsj,acle to peace, was the hostility of the settlers towards tip natives, and their demands of blood for blood.'' Ministers expressed their belief that the Governor had not written to that effect, and promised to produce all the despatches, but if nothing of the kind has been written either officially or otherwise,Ihow' could the nobie Earl get such an idea into his head. He is a very precise and careful orator, and not likely to give vent to extemporaneous imaginings. . , ,

27 th September.—lt turns out that the " blood for blood " is attributable to an article w headed, ia (hi

Auckland JUxaminer, a copy of which the Governor sent. home in a despatch to the Colonial Office as a "sample of the feelings of the colonists; though he must have very well known that the paper in question in no way represented public feeling, and that there was probably not another person in the colony except the writer of the article, who entertained any sucli sentiments. :His Excellency's act is most culpable. : Featherston achieved anothervictory-last night for the northern island, again beating the ministry, by 21 to 13, on a most important financial point, namely the one sixth of Land Fund kept back under the Act of 1858 as a guarantee for future purchases. Featherston brought in a Bill to repeal that Act; the Government opposed him tooth and nail; but was beaten by the above majority, the Bill read a second time, carried through committee, read a third time, and sent to the Legislative Council, in the course of the same evening. It is disgusting to see a small section of Wellington politicians among you attempting to run down their Representatives who are thus compelling the Stafford Ministry to disgorge their plunder and to undo one act of injustice after another, which that ministry committed against the Province in 1858. This is the third heavy defeat [the ministry havo incurred in ten days, including'the Native Offenders Bill (which they acknowledged was oce,) and yet they cling to the ministerial benches, as if they were clad in sticking i laister breeches.

' ■ Browne of Canterbury has moved for and obtained a committee to enquire into the circumstances under which Mr. Fenton was removed for the Waikato country when he ,was endeavoring as Resident Magistrate to carry out the principles of his report above referred to. The labors of this committee promise to, be of great value in reference to the native question. It is well known that. M'Lean and Fenton have long been the exponents of opposite policies. Fenton's being that so admirably developed in his report; M'Lean's beingthe old flour and sugar and Wlaissez /dire1' system-. .Al'Lean's jealousy is believed to have led to Fenton's removal, just when he was carrying but successfully a plan which would in all probability ■have put. down the • King movement, educated tho natives in political knowledge,^ and united them in self-governing committee. The particular report referred to was written by Fenton in 1857; arid from it Richmond (the native ministers) borrowed all the ideas which have gained him so much credit in his celebrated memorandum. Richmond's) memorandun in fact was •'Fenton and water," and literally "cold - without ;"• while the Fenton document is a remarkably able, graphic, and uplike production, Richmond's is a mere dry and inanimate skeleton, like a schoolboy's Analysis of Paley'a " Moral Philosophy." It accounts however for Fenton's invaluable document having been put away in a' pigeon hole of the Native Minister's office, and only brought to light when a motion of Forsaith's rendered it unavoidable.

I see the Wellington Advertiser says that Kichmond, junior, gave Fox a "severe handling "on some question. It is the first we have heard of it here; and I suspect Mr. Fox will be much amused when he reads this statement. The fact is that J. 0. iuchmond is one of the wind bags of the House, and though he speaks often, he has never produced any impression by any speoch he has made, or by all of them put together. He is a very young man who has an excellent opinion of himself; and if you could buy, him at his market price and sell him at his own figure, it would be the best investment for a little spare cash of any I know. But" this child" must" eat more pudding,1' before he will be able to handle severely any of your Wellington men.