ENGLISH NEWS.

Colonist, Volume II, Issue 104, 19 October 1858, Page 3

ENGLISH NEWS.

TO 9th JULY. To the Melbourne Argus of September 22, we are indebted for the subjoined English and Foreign News. By way of Mauritius that journal had received a copy of the Home Neios of July 9. The intelligence thus received carries on the history of events continuously from our previous advices: — SUMMARY. (From the Home News.) It will be seen by our parliamentary report that the Indian Bill has passed through Committee, that it was contested at every step, and that Ministers had majorities, more or less, upon all the clauses. The bill, as it now stands, is undoubtedly a Government measure. For whatever it is worth, for good or evil, the responsibility fairly lies at the door of Ministers, who are not only the authors of all its details, but who successfully resisted a proposition by which Parliament, having before them the experience of its working, should be empowered to revise or reconstruct it, if necessary, at the end of five years. The responsibility of Government, therefore, is twofold—not only as regards the effects of the measure itself, but as refusing to grant a corrective power to Parliament at a stated period. An attempt, supported by Mr. Vernon Smith and Mr. Lowe, was made to reduce the salaries of the councillors from .£I2OO to ; but it was defeated by a large majority. Another economical amendment to disallow retiring pensions also failed; and, as the bill now stands, the .£I2OO salary car ries a retiring pension of £500 at the end of ton years' service. The clause for the establishment Of a Secret Committee was strongly opposed by Sir G. C. Lewis, Lord John Russell, and some Indian members; but it was finally carried, Lord Palmerston and Mr. Vernon Smith voting on this question with Ministers. A new clause, proposed by Lord Stanley, for vesting the military appointments in the hand of the Secretary of State and the Council, wasopposed, with a view to the substitution of the competitive system, but the House was not at all in favor of the change, and adopted the clause by a-sweeping majority. A discussion followed, which may possibly eventuate in a substantive motion before the bill lias run out its course, upon the necessity of establishing a tribunal to which native Princes might appeal in cases of alleged injustice committed by the local authorities. The proposal would seem to be wholly superfluous under the Imperial regime, and, if adopted, would doubtless in the end become a prolific source of litigation. Two new clauses, moved by Lord, Stanley, displaced the 31st clause, which made provision for appointments in the civil service. By these clauses the Secretary of State in Council is. empowered, with the advice and assistance of the Commissioners acting in execution of the order in Council of the 20th of May, 1855, to make regulations for conducting the examinations and deciding the admission of persons desirous of entering the civil service. Some discussion was raised upon these clauses, but they were finally agreed to. A clause moved by Mr. Gladstone, to the effect that, except for repelling actual invasion, or under extremely urgent circumstances, the forces employed in India should not be called upon to serve elsewhere, was adopted by Lord Stanley, and carried by a considerable 'majority. Lord Palmerston vainly resisted the proposal, on the ground that the limitation it put upon the power of the Sovereign in time of war was dangerous and unconstitutional. It was immediately after having been defeated'on this point that Lord Palmerston moved the insertion of a clause by which Parliament should have the right, or, rather, should be required, to revise the constitution of the Council at the end of five years. A long discussion ensued, Lord Palmerston, finding himself, as usual, in a minority on the division. Opinion, however, was pretty equally divided as to the expediency of giving a direct revising power to Parliament with respect to the Council, the clause being rejected by the small majority of 34 in a House of 264 members. A clause, moved by Mr. Seymour, for throwing open to the uncoverianted service, offices hitherto exclusively filled by members of the civil service, was withdrawn by the mover in deference to Lord Stanley's objection that it was out of place in a measure which legislated only for the home government of India, and that it should be postponed till the whole subject of local government came under consideration. Other proposals were negatived upon divisions; one by Sir Erskine Peny, prohibiting councillors from holding any other office, profession, or employment; and another by Lord John Russell, for omitting the\clauses which continue to the Secretary of Sfcato the power, now possessed by the Secret Committee, of keeping up communications with India, without the privity of the Council. Lord John Russell thought this an unwise power, and the majority of the House present at the discussion thought so too. Ministers felt that upon this point they were likely to be in a minority, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with that skill for which he is remarkable, spoke against time, while tire whipper-in collected a sufficient number of votes to turn the balance. Even under these circumstances it was a close run, Government defeating the motion by the slender majority of 27, in a House of 325 members. Such are the principal heads of changes actually effected and carried in committee. In noting them it must be remembered that we are merely recording the metamorphoses of the bill intransitu, and that subsequent stages of its progress may produce other alterations. Another meeting of East India proprietors has been held with much the same result as before, the Court having been counted out, there not being 20 proprietors present. Before this finale took place, the pensions granted at the previous Court to Sir Colin Campbell and Sir James Outram were confirmed ; and the latter pension, upon the motion of Dr. Beattie was continued to Sir James' son, an arrangement to which the sanction of the Board of Control has already been obtained. As we are on the subject of rewards to our gallant countrymen who have served in these last Indian campaigns, we may • direct attention to Lord Derby's statement respecting the clasps to be granted for Delhi and Lucknow^ and the peerage to Sir Colin Campbell. Upon being questioned as to whether any, and what, mark of royal favor was to be conferred upon General Inglis, Lord Derby declined to give any answer. How this is to be interpreted we do not pretend to say; but it has occasioned much speculation in military circles. It is understood that the labors of the European Conference upon the future organisation of the Roman State, have resulted in unanimity upon two or three essential points, leaving little more to be considered than details which are not likely to present any difficulty. It has been agreed, with the full assent of Turkey, that two hospodars shall be appointed; but, with a view to modify the separate action of the Principalities by the infution of an element contended for by those who desire their union, a common Senate has been decided upon. How this combination will work remains to be seen, but it is satisfactory to know that it has at present satisfied the demands of opposite parties, and appeased the jealousies with which the question has hitherto been discussed. Lord Cowley has drawn up a sort of Constitution, embodying this ingenious compromise. The change in the Spanish Ministry, which we mentioned in our last, has surprised nobody but the Spaniards themselves. The Madrid papers are full of expressions of astonishment, in which nobody out of Spain participates. "Spain," says the correspondent of the Times, who is thoroughly, acquainted with the country, " has always been* the country of anomalies—what is considered elsewhere strange and sudden is there the rule; what is regular the exception." Hence the. successful insurgent of 1354 had no sooner taken leave of his Royal mistress, preparatory to a long journey, than he became her Majesty's confidential adviser. It is exactly what was to be expected. Great expectations are formed of O'Donnell's career, resting partly on his known resolution to stop at nothing to promote his views, partly on certain promises of support from one or two sections of the Liberal party, and partly, on the estimation in which he is held by the Imperial Government of France,. It is believed that he brings an accession

;of power and influence to the Cabinet; and although it is as yet impossible to predicate the line I ofpolicy he may adopt, it is generally supposed that he will resist any attempt to return to the old system. His first step, it is expected, will be the dissolution of the present Cortes. We elsewhere refer to a report, originating in a French provincial paper, to the effect that the Emperor of the French had invited her Majesty to be present at the Cherbourg fetes. There seems to be no doubt that the report is true, and that her Majesty has accepted the invitation. It is now circumstantially stated that her Majesty will arrive at Cherbourg on the 7th of August, accompanied by the Prince Consort and the Earl of Malmesbuiy. As far, therefore, as appearances go, the entente cordiale does not seem in any very great danger of being interrupted just now. The Parliamentary chronicle of the week is not very important; for although many measures have been advanced, and much discussive business has been transacted, the interests concerned are for the most part of a local and limited character. The House of Lords, after having abandoned one of their ancient strongholds by admitting the Jews to Parliament, have displayed their determination to maintain another stronghold inviolate by throwing out the bill for abolishing church-rates. They have no objection to allow Jews to take part in Christian legislation, but they will not consent to abolish a church tax which is alleged to press heavily upon multitudes of people who really derive no advantage from it. There is no doubt, however, that church-rates, like Jews, are destined to witness a change passing over the* spirit of the Upper House; and that if not abolished next-Session, the compliant Cabinet will yield so far to the Commons as to propose and carry a compromise of some kind. With respect to the Jews, a new dilemma is looming in the distance. Lord Harrington, with an eccentricity highly characteristic of his vpublie career, has given notice of a motion by which Jews sitting in Parliament are to be prohibited from voting on questions which have reference to the Christian religion.- The effect of such a motion would be to introduce into the Constitution an anamoly, or contradiction, quite as preposterous"* as it would be to put a man on the back of a horse, and not allow him to ride. It is unnecessary to predict the fate of this singular motion. | With these, and a few other exceptions, the Thames and the Indian Bills have-chiefly monopolised the time of Parliament during the past week. We have hitherto abstained from giving currency to the stories which have been circulated in the clubs and in private society concerning the unfortunate differences between Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton and his wife, because we regarded such matters to be beyond the province of the newspaper. The publicity, however, which has been given to these circumstances renders it not only useless to abstain any longer on grounds of delicacy, but makes it in some degree incumbent upon us to notice what has ceased to be mere rumor and speculation. It appears that immediately after the close of the proceedings at. Sir Edward's reelection, and while the plaudits of the crowd were yet ringing upon the close of his speech, a travelling carriage arrived post haste at the hustings, the multitude breaking open to admit it, and a lady, handsomely dressed, alighted and sprang upon the platform. She was at once recognised as Lady Bulwer Lytton, and she proceeded to address the assembled electors in a strain of high excitement, denouncing Sir Edward in terms by no means remarkable for their good taste or delicacy. The annoyance and humiliation to Sir Edward and his friends may be easily conceived ; but there was no help for the untoward accident. Measures of precaution had been taken to prevent the lady's appearance, by misinforming her, on her arrival in the town, as to the hour and place of the election. At the last moment, however, she discovered the trick that had been attempted to be played on her, j and the scene of confusion and violence at the hustings was the result. With a view^ to prevent any j future interruptions of a similar kind to the political career of the Secretary for the Colonies, steps have since been taken to deprive the lady of her liberty. Medical certificates have been procured to testify to,her.insanity, and she has been placed accordingly in a lunatic asylum. We fear that in adopting thiscourse Sir Bulwer. Lytton has allowed his calmer judgment to be overborne by injudicious advisers. The friends of Lady Lytton declai'e that, whatever excitement the unfortunate lady may have suffered under from what she asserts to be domestic wrongs, she is perfectly saue,v and they are employing energetic means to procure her speedy liberation. We trust that ai'rangements'mny be entered into on both skies to secure a peaceful settlement of these painful, -and not very creditable, differences. The fashionable world is just now agitated by a rather strange subject. A committee of ladies and gentlemen, extremely aristocratic and extremely exclusive, have taken Cremorne Gardens for one night for a private fete, ostensibly with a view to a charitable object, but, as scandal says, really for j the purpose of gratifying a pruriant cariosity to ascertain the real nature of the entertainments which draw nightly into that illuminated region such crowds of gay people. It is, of course, noto- ! rious f o all the world of London that Cremorne is mainly frequented and mainly supported by that class of ladies whose speciality may be delicately described by Moore's phrase, " daughters of the moon ;" not that these ladies inherit from Diana her attributes of coldness or chastity, but that they delight in the season which the mythology dedicates, to the silver huntress. It is also notorious that Cremorne without these ladies would very much resemble " Hamlet" without the Prince : and it is, therefore, obvious that the female aristocracy will be disappointed in their expectations if they hope on their exclusive night tp witness the orgies which constitute the peculiar attraction of the place. If this were all, all would be well. But the public look upon the affair with jealousy and some scruples of morality from another point of view. They say that the aristocracy have no right for the gratification of a whim, to shut up one of the amusements of the million; and /that, if the aristocracy want to know what these amusements are, they ought to descend from their frozen heights, and mix with the people in the midst of their enjoyments. They- urge also, that it is not to the credit of the ladies of the aristocracy to go to Cremorne at all—that it casts a shade of suspicion upon their tastes, not to use a stronger term; that one charity has already declined to receive help coming from so polluted a source ; and that if the scheme be persisted in it will widen and deepen the abyss, between the Upper Ten Thousand and the Lower Ten Million. From the vigor and outspoken candor of these remonstrances and the severe comments of the Press, it was apprehended that a rough demonstration of popular feeling would have been made at the doors; but the Committee have wisely, to some extent, checked the hostility by consenting to admit the holders of season tickets, whom they could not we suspect, legally exclude. Much curiosity is, nevertheless, still manifested as to the issue of this very singular experiment by the Few upon the open air privileges of the Many. Mr. Lever, a shipowner and eminent Manchester merchant, has got such a hold upon the west of Ireland by his Galway packet station project, that he has resolved to stand for the representation of Galway. He shews himself determined to develop the capabilities, of Galway at any cost. At the present moment he has a large sum embarked in the transoceanic packet station project; and now he is about throwing his energy into a new field of enterprise. He has declared himself in a position to lay a wire of Atlantic telegraph between Galway and Halifax. He has offered to do so, saving the Company £30,000, and taking that amount of interest in the Company. It is stated that Mr. Lever's transatlantic scheme has captivated several wealthy speculators in Liverpool and Manchester, and that they have offered to join in it; but Mr. Lever is averse to receiving any assistance, and has expressed his determination to carry out his projects unaided. Among the recent sales at the Encumbered Estates Court was the estate of Mr. Rochfort, in the county of Dublin, which sold for .£18,130, on a rental of £698 per annum. In fact the rate seems steadily increasing, and, as compared with purchases even four or five years ago, there is an improvement of from 20 to 25 per cent. The

new petitions are numerous and extensive. Among them are the estate of Ladies Butler and the Marquis of Donegal, of the annual value of £6635, with encumbrances stated at .£240,000, the property lying in Waterford and Tipperary; the estate of E. E. Evans, of the annual value of £2584; and a number of smaller ones. The total rental for sale in July is £4095; acreage, 17,097.