POST-SESSIONAL ADDRESS. SIR GEORGE GREY AT THE CITY HALL. Auckland, Nov. 14.

Te Aroha News, Volume VI, Issue 317, 17 November 1888, Page 4

POST-SESSIONAL ADDRESS. SIR GEORGE GREY AT THE CITY HALL. Auckland, Nov. 14.

Sir G-KORGii Gkey addressed his constitue nts of Auckland Central and the citizens , of Auckland generally afc the City Hfill last - evening. The dress circle was set apart according to custom for ladies accompanied by gentlemen, and there was a good representation of the fair sex present. There was a fairly good attendance of electors in the body of the hall. Amongst those who occupied seats on the platform were the Hon. Patrick Dignan, M.LC, Mr W. Kelly, M.H.R., Colonel Fraser, M.H.R., Councillors Swales, Holland, Davies, Layer, and Mr Seymour George. Sir George Grey made his appearance on the platform precisely tit eight o'clock, and was very enthusiastically received. Mr J. <T. Holland was voted to the chair i on the motion of Mr Thomas Cole, seconded by Mr E. Parsons. The Chairman, in introducing the proceedings, said Sir George's address would deal principally with the future of New Zealand. This would be the last opportunity they would have of hearing Sir George for some time, as he was going to England very shortly, and possibly it might be the last time they would ever hear him. Sir George required no introduction from him, and he felt sure that they would accord him a patient hearing. Sir George Grey came forward amidst loud cheers, the audience rising to their feet and applauding heartily. He said he f6it a peculiar responsibility in addressing them that night, because it would probably be several months before he would have any opportunity of again meeting his constituents. He was desirous of impressing on their minds certain things that lie believed to be great truths, and which would have a great influence on our future if followed, or even if neglected.

FRIENDS OF THE WORKING .MAN. He had been a good deal pained to see in some post-sessional speeches bv members that* they had spoken in a manner he haidly understood with regard to the working classes of the country, using such language as this : " All this disturbance about cho working man is misleading. You cannot fix a maximum or minimum for any man's services. What the so-called friends of the working man were working for were the votes of the working men. Ifc was not for their we 1 fare, but to obtain their votes.'' Now he differed altogether from that, and thought it was an ungenerous thing to say. Then these members went on to say' that woiking men stood on a different footing from other classes. There they made a great mistake. No man admitted more unhesitatingly than himself that in some respects thei c is no difference between men, and that they all stand on the same footing. But at the same time, certain classes were born in different circumstances, and consequently there was difference between these. Some were boj n to wealth and ease, while with others it was a struggle for existence from the cradle to the grave. The difference was enormous in these cases, and it was a grievous mistake to say they all stand on the same footing. Now, he asked, how were the poorer people to devote time to the study ot matters pertaining to their temporal welfare, unless some people who had the time and the means came forward and studied these matters with a view to the welfare of their poorer brethren ? These latter were not actuated by a desire to obtain the votes of the working men, but rather for the good of their fellow creatures. It was unfair that baser motives should be attributed to them

MR KEES'S PAMPHLET. He did not know if bis audience had seen a small pamphlet iosued by Mr Rees in connection with his colonisation scheme. In this pamphlet Mr Rees pointed out the mistake that had been made in jriving away large tracts of country in these colouies to people who were enormously enriched. In Australia, it was pointed out that evils had arisen from this policy. The wealthy classes had obtained the political power, and land laws had been passed which were subservient to their own interests, and an aristocracy more powerful than that of Great Britain had sprung into existence in less than a century. .Politically, socially, and monetarily , influences had grown up of the * greatest magnitude ; and the wealthy class had not only gained vast possessions for themselves, but the repiesentatives of the governing class had borrowed in these colonies over £150,000,000, the expenditure of which had vastly increased the value of their own lauds.

HOW OUR LAND LAWS WERE MADE This was really the case in out own colony. In the beginning, the lands of these Islands. had been handecl,overto the inhabitants of the colony by Great Britain. Tho^e people had no conception of the boon that had been given to them, or the way in which they might make that boon available. They were at that time isolated and far apart, and could take no common action, and there were those who saw that they had the power of making laws that would confer immense advantages on themselvee, and make themselves the owners of estates larger than those of many nobles in Europe ; and they made those laws. They acquired, large tracts of land in the South, which had been cultivated by Nature, and which were covered with luxuriant grasses. They consequently made wealth rapidly. Others in the North conceived similar ideas, ,but the land required the expenditure of large capital to reclaim it, and was not so productive of wealth. It then occurred to these' people that they might increase the value of their lands by increasing the population, and by the introduction of .foreign, capital. When this money was spent the employment in the colony failed, and the labouring classes were forced - for a time to undergo great difficulties and distress. That was the inevitable result. eincldt had come to pass in New Zealand.

HOW IS OUR-DEBT TO BE PAID ? The question now was how the interest oh these vast sums of borrowed money was to be paid. Ib could only bo paid slowly by the labour of the working' classes. It was only the produce ot the carth — of the soil of New Zealand — which could enable us to pay this vast debt - which we had to meet every year. We should insist on a change in oui legislation and the adoption of remedial measures to throw the burden of the debt on the shoulders of those who ought to bear it. Then he was asked, Are the labour- " ing people of the colony able to afford time ' to work these questions out for themselves, arid without leaders, to achieve the end they arc to attain ? He thought that they must be educated up to the point, and have the power to attain the ends he spoke of. They - had nor. hitherto had that power.

... . OF VOTES. In this connection, he directed the attention of • his audience to • the question of the "equality of voting power, t He reminded- them how- for many yearb I^h* ! had, JBjbiyiggled_lo J 8jbiyiggled_lo .secure equal voting V^power. Year after year, Parliament, had

continued fco give one man who happened to hold property in different^ districts,' six or seven votes against' the single vote of the working man. Not only was this the case in the towns, but also in the country ; and in some districts one man had held as many as 45 \ ott's again&t the single vote of the working man in the town. This was plurality of voting such as he had never before heard of. With great delight he saw the other day that; Mr Gladstone, who for years had shown a degree of uncertainty regarding it, had at last announced his intention of lighting the battle for the working man in this respect, and insisting upon a single vote for every man. NATIVE LAND PURCHASE LAWS. They might a3k him, what threatens us for the future, and why speak in this way if there is no immediate danger ? Great dangers, however, menaced us immediatoly, and great wrongs had been done recently. Iv had been the Jaw in New Zealand until the last few months thab lands belonging to natives could only be bought by the Government for the benefit of the country ; and by the repeal of this law a great and grievous wrong had been done. The law at the present time was this, that the Maori stands in exactly the «arne position with regard to his land as the European. This appeared to be right enough. Persons had, he believed in his heart, actually sat in Parliament to make a law for the benelit of themselves and their friend?. Thatlaw was absolutely proposed, but he believed it was not carried. They, however, passed a law that the natives might sell their lands to Europeans without any restrictions. He very much doubted the justice, when such large sums of our money had been ppent on native lands, tint such an enormous sum was to have been given to the natives without some law by which they would have to have paid something to u» for Jt. What advantage war this to us ? Supposing the State had bought the land, and it had been given to the whole population, iL would have been of advantage to all of ub and to our children. A workiiig man could not incur the expense necessary in the put chase of native lands* Now some great syndicate must acquire vast, tracts of land, w Inch the working 1 man will not be able to got except by paying some greatly-increased price. Was chat any advantage to us? He would say none, and he urged the working people to have thao law abolished ; neither was this law for the benefit of the natives themselves, because their lands could not be sold in the open market, but to a few — a wealthy few. The natives themselves objected to this law, but iv spite of every effort that was made the law was passed and came into operation. Neither the European nor native population could get any good lesult'from thatlaw. If an attempt had been made to pass such a law in Austi'alia or Canada, the result would have been a must strenuous objection, and he (Sir George) could not understand how the people of New Zealand sat quietly under it.

THE MISERY OF THE WORKING GLASSES in England and in Ireland came from past legislation (applau&e), and now all men agreed that the only hope of lestoring Ireland was to let the people have their just rights, to shake off their misery and their degradation. Now everybody admitted that within a few months or within a. year or two undoubtedly Ireland would be in that position. Now, misery was appearing in every city in New Zealand. Were not the young women labouring under miserable circumstances, and was not want seen on every hand? (A voice : " And crime.") Yes, and crime. The working classes almost constituted the nation, and their h'ght to avoid crime was much greater than that of men who had no poverty and no temptation to undergo. From poverty sprang the greatest evils of the world, and he urged that these evils should not be allowed to rise iv New Zealand when we could stop their progress. The thing- was easily done. Look at Melbourne ! what fabulous sums had been given for land, and in less than half a century that value had been given to the land. Then let them read of the misery in the Chinese quarters. What gave the value to the land in Melbourne? It was the density of the population, the rates paid, and should not

THE UNEARNED INCREMENT be taxed for the benefit of the people who gave the value to the land? (Applause.) To hi? mind really one of the great questions of the day was the land tax. He believed it would achieve half the success with the temperance movement, that it would relieve usot half the taxes for charitableaid and for gaols. Yet Parliament, with the wisdom of the serpent, had put on what was called a property tax, involving a tax upon all property. The consequence was that a lax could not be pub on land without putting it upon every article in New Zealand. If Ghe tax was upon the unearned increment alone the population would be satisfied to pay small sums for those who had a right to be relieved. Was it right that those land-owners living out of the colony should contribute nothing for the advantage conferred by the labour of all ? We had a land tax of this kind in New Zealand, but what was the result ? The Government was hurled out of office, and the tax was abolished and a property tax was put on. A great parb of the value given to the land was secured out of borrowed money, which had to be paid by jus and by our children, and the consequence was that thp poor could not escape from the country. Then if this money added several pounds to the value of the land, should the fortunate owner not be taxed? Now what was actually done ? A man had aproperby, say at Remuera, and he did nothing to it for speculative purpose*, while a farmer put his labour on his property every day. The land of the former was taxed scarcely at all, while the taxation of the industrious man increased .every day. He thought that the man who improved hia estate should be rewarded for what he had done for his country. If there was a fair taxation onthe unearned increment it would matter little to whom the land belonged, but under • the present system those who held land must be enormously enriched and no justice wag done to the great mass of the community. Therefore he urged the peoplo to join and get a tax put upon the land, showing an example bo others. In almobb every European country a cry was now raised that a land tax should' be imposed, and the people there were not subject to the property tax. If the people here insisted upon having a land tax the thing would be done. If they approved of these sentiments they ought to support all those who truly supported, them —earnest, steadfast men who would support measures of this kind. Such men would be obtained from the youth of New Zealand, if nob from elsewhere, and he believed that in a few years the change he desired would be brought about. Under the property tax he wished to bring under notice a feWj things. A million and a-half went) out of the' colony every year to pay a debt. We sent away money to which we were nob entitled bo any return whatever. This' borrowed money did moe6"of us very.litble good; it jyenV , principally , to benefit individuals, and the '' taxation' we had l 'to^/pj&jr ]

every year was enormous. , England was about 80 ■ times " more populous than New Zealand. If she had to pay a tax of this kind she would have to pay £120,000,000 a year. She could not stand a drain of this kind, and if we continued to have such a drain this country would not be able to get over it. On the property tax a man had to pay here 8s 4d on £100, In England a man had an income tax to pay, and he would not have to pay on the £100, but upon what the £100 made. We had to pay more than 5s 5d a year more fcha a man would have to pay in England. But there was this further difficulty, that if a man lost none of his £100 he had to pay nothing, while if a man lost part of 'his £100 he had still to pay taxes on it. He knew people in Auckland avlio had to borrow money year after year to pay the property tax upon property which they were supposed to hold. Until this tax was abolished and a land tax put on in its stoad, he saw no hope for the prospects of the country. (Applause).

ELECTIVE GOVERNORS. Now, there were other points that we ought to consider. He would ask them to look at a question that had been occupying their attention a good deal, and that was the appointment of the Governor. A definite statement had been made by the new Secretary of State, Lord Knutsford, who he believed was an amiable and clever man. He had said that he would not allow the colonies to object to these appointments, but some people said they would have something to say with regard to the appointment. He saw difficulties in the way of this, but he saw no difficulty in the way of an elective Governor. Ke believed our present Governor was wrong "when he said that by electing our own Governor we would brenk the connection with Great Britain. Now ho thought, on the contrary, thafc the effect would be to strengthen the connection. At present we could hold no direct connection with the Queen, except through the head of the Colonial Office, who was a party man. The Governor was appointed b} r the Secretary of State for the time being, and subject to party exigencies. The only exception was when difficulties arose, and the Secretary of State was compelled to appoint a man whom he might hate. If we elected our own Governor, we could get at the Queen through him, and we could have a resident agent in London. This would lead to no disruption, I and would elevate the colonists more than having a duke or a peer sent out to them. They should adhere to the determination to secure this method of getting into direct communication with the Queen through our representative, and that would be an excellent method of effecting Imperial federation. At present we sent our laws to the Secretai'y of State for the time being, who was a party man. and disallowed or allowed them as ho liked. He appointed his own Governor, and was it not an act of tyranny to say — " You shall have him whether you like him or not?" Was a man who acted thus not a tyrant? (Cheers.) By electing our own Governor we would get over that difficulty and aVoid that chance of quarrelling with Great Britain. He hud secured a trial of this system under the old provincial form of government, where for years the people elected their own Superintendent or Lieutenant - Governor. No trouble arose from that, and what harm, he asked, could come from an elective Governor ?

FEDERATION OF THE COLONIES. He would now turn bo the question of federation. He was quite certain they would try again to federate us with Australia," forming a kind of United States. He urged the people of this colony to have nothing to do with a federation of this kind. Australia must necessarily be settled partly by a coloured population, and why should we be subject to laws that applied equally to white and coloured people ? And if a dispute arose between two of the States, one wanting coloured labour and the other objecting to it, why should we be involved '! We should continue as we are, and have nothing to do with the introduction of coloured labour, which was a curse to any colony to which it was brought. If they wanted a treaty of commerce, that wa& a different thing, and might be arranged without the necessity for any federation of this kind.

POINT RESOLUTION CASE. He wished to explain his action with j reference to what was called the Point Resolution case. What had occurred was this. Years ago a .grant was given as part of a general system to certain trustees to conducb a home for orphan and destitute children. it was thought desirable to give these endowments to religious bodies so that the children might be brought up in the faith of their parents. Ifc was in this way that a considerable endowment was given to the St. Stephen's Orphanage. Now, the law enabled the public to take from any individual any land required for public purposes, bub not to give it to any other person. This was the law in other countries, and our law imitated it very nearly, except in some points o£ difference that were explained. An agreement was entered into between an agent of the Government and one of the proprietors that he would take four acres nominally for a fort, under the express agreement, that bhree-iourbhs of the land was to be given back to him. Everybody admitted that the taking of the land was unlawful. The Governor could take the land for a fort, and it was said that the land was consequently taken illegally, but he(Sir George) apprehended that under those I circumetancestherevvaBnotaking(applause). I He thought that this ought to be done in this case, and that although there was a '■title, it was absolutely valueless. It was true that an Act of Parliament was passed to legalise the matter, but that Act contained two errors, and he felt sure that the arrangement would be upset. The Commissioners pointed out that whoever had done ;this must have done it in ignorance, because they were checked by the Government and the Legislature. He admitted that it was quite' true that a host of people, knowing that a story had been bold, allowed this unlawful act to bo performed. He (Sir George) intended to insist resolutely on his intention, and he felt that he would secure theclesired'end. He really thought that every, man in New Zealand .shquld resist trust property being taken in jbhis way. (Applause.) , -,

1 TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. ; 1 He would now speak a few worcls to his, consbibueuts on his own position. , ' He ,was pne of tho first' — he was now an old man, and he had seen many changes in this country—lie was one of the first to advocate" Home Rule for Ireland, and Mr Gladstone had now come round to his view. (Applause.^ There were great' perils to a man of his (Sir Gedrge's) age , going upon the journey t which he' was about to undertake, and whether he returned to New Zealand 'or not, he hoped* that they wouldbear in iheniory the opinions he had upheld. r/ , He tied laboured* for years to carry^ oui^imprpyeinerit, in r these. things, and he' intendedl to' labour ' still ito[ carry

those opinions , out. ,He had seen wonderful changes in , the world since his youth; he! had cccu t the woi;ld impro\ c sbill more. He was anxious that this young nation should lead the rest of the .world, if possible, in the path of progress. (Applause.) It was in our power to do it. Our youth were generally young men of undoubtedly great ability indeed. We had a country possessing extraordinary advantages, we had a healthy population, and temptations wero, comparatively speaking, few. There was no great display required, and no great squandering ot iftoney upon wealth. We had no chance of wars with tho nations dose to us — there was France or Germany to broublo us, and we had no difficulties with European Powers. We all spoke the same language as the nations near to us, excepting the coloured races of the Pacific Islands, and Providence had laid here the foundation of one of the greatest nations in the would. (Applause.) Having these advantages, he uvg'ed that we should not neglect, them, that we should steadfastly follow in the path of liberty and freedom, and that we should try to improve the world in every way. Ffe hoped, also, that we would nob let any of the terrible punishments of other countries creep into New Zealand. There had been several endeavours in the House to introduce flogging in our gaols, and he had been quite horrified at the proposals made. They were, to his mind, perfectly atrocious, and he hoped that the people would not allow any relapse to the atrocious punishments that prevailed in his youth. (Applause.) He urged the people of this colony to atudy to advance the humanity, justice and righteousness of all men (applause), and whether he lived to come back or not he hoped they would recollect his words. (Applause.) Ho hoped the people here would follow the course Providence had'placed before them, and hand down to those who would inhabit this land a great and good example of what their fathers had done to cstabli'h this conn try. (Applause.) Mr Hazard said a crime was committed in 1879, and he gave infotmation to the police, and for doing so he was pub into an asylum. His property was taken from him, and although he had applied to the Public Trustee lie could sret no returns. He acted in the interests of the country, and had everything taken from him. Mr Thomas Gee said he had much pleasure in moving the following resolution :- - "That the electors of Auckland Central beg to thank Sir George Grey for his practical und able address, just delivered, and to testify their unabated confidence in him as their trusted representative. This meeting also desires to place on record its warmest acknowledgments to Sir George Grey for his constant and consistent advocacy of all liberal measures in and out of the General Assembly, for promoting: the welfare of the people of New Zealand." He would not detain them with any lengthy remaiks, but he believed he was speaking the sentiments of many oi his fellow colonists when he wished Sir George God speed, and trusted that he would return to us safely a ten-yeais' younger man If it should be ordered otherwise that they were not to meet him again in this life, that they would meet him in a better world where there was no mismanagement of government, and truth and justice reigned for ever and ever. Mr C. Layer seconded the resolution, which was carried unanimously. Sir George Grey, in reply, gave expression to his most heartfelt thanks. He could only say that the remainder of hit- life would bedevoted to theserviceofhig) country. By a coincidence, it was this date in 1845 that he had first landed in the country. The intervening period of 43 years had been principally passed in the service of the colony, and the residue of his life, which must be very short, would be devoted to the best interests of the colony. The proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to the Chairman, moved by Sir George Grey.