THE PUBLIC ADDRESS BY PREMIER. Political Reform. Auckland, April 6.

Te Aroha News, Volume IV, Issue 199, 16 April 1887, Page 4

THE PUBLIC ADDRESS BY PREMIER. Political Reform. Auckland, April 6.

At the invitation of the Auckland Radical Reform League, Sir Robert Stout addressed a public meeting last night in the lecture hall of the ST.M.(J.A.'s building, upon the chief political questions of the hour. The lower portion of .the building was crowded long before the time for opening the proceedings, but the gallery, for admittance to which a small charge was imposed, filled up very slowly— in fact, did not become full at all. Amongst those occupying seats on the platform were the Hon. P, Dignan, M.L.C., Bon, W. Swanson, M.L.C., Dr. Poenett, Messrs S. Luke, J. Lundon, J, Brame, G. Fraser, G. Warburton, E. Mitchelaon, M.H.R., R. Monk, M.H.R., H G, Seth Smith, R.M., H. W. Farnall, Dr. McMurdo. Dr. Wilkine, Mesprs J. T. Campbell (U.S. Consul), W. Duncan, F. G. Ewington, J. Tudehope, and T. Thompson, M.H.H. At 10 minutea to 8 o'clock the Premier, accompanied by Lady Stoufc, Mr Leckio (Private Secretary), and His Worship the Mayor, entered the building, and was received by the audience standing and with loud applause. The Mayor (Mr Devore) at once aeeumed the chair and opened the proceedings. He reminded the audience that the Premier, who was to address them that night, had delivered hia last political address to them during his last visit to Auckland. He did not know what Sir Robert intended to cay that night, but he was sure ifc would be something new— something for them to ponder upon and to consider for the future, In the present depressed state of the colony whatever fell from the Premier's lips would be listened to with the keenest: anxiety, and with the hope that he would be able to suggest some means of relieving that depression. Their visitor was a practical man, and ho trusted that he would not sit down until he had made some remarks upon the present deprsp&ion and the best method of relieving it, the Representation Bill, and the cost of Government in the various departments of the State. Those were sub« jects of tho utmost importance to all colonists, and especially important to the people of Auckland. He had r.oen induced to make these suggestions because much was expected from that night's addresp. In conclusion ho boepoke that quiet attention which Auckland audiences accorded to all speakers.

THfi LA.TE MU HAKUENE. The Premier on rising was received with applause. Kg said that before beginning to address the meeting on political questions he wished to remark that he had be6n considerably shocked to see in that evening's paper a record of the death of the hon. member Mr Hakuene, whom ho knew as a most honourable upright gentleman, and one who dealt conscientiously with all matters that called for his consideration^ and he (the Premier) felt sure that, the House had lost ono of its best Maori members, and one the death of whom every momber of tho iJou^o would regret.

POLITICAL MATTERS. In reference to political inattors ha thought it beet to leave the personal element alone, although he was always ready to reply when any attack was made on him. They should as colonists remember that all could not bo expected to think, much lees to see alike, and they should therefore give credit to their neigh* bours for having individual opinions* He had experienced a difficulty in eelecting subjects upon which to" address the meeting. He thought ne would select some leading principle that would enable them to approach j various difficult questions which were now before the colony, The leading questions would touch upon taxation, upon local industries, upon representation, and too j various schemes of soccial reform that would guido them in the consideration of each.

THE STATE AND ITS FUNCTIONS. If he could show them when considering those questions, how to Bolve them, ho would eurely not have spoken ia vain, He thought that if they would consider what was meant by the terms ** Government " and " State," when they epeak, for example, of the colony doing this, the colony doing that, they could approach, other questions that might seem to have little to do with what a " State " or " Government " of a " Colony" meant. Ho believed that upon q correct answer to the term "state" depended the true solution of the landquestion. (Applause) Twenty or thirty yeara ago people would have answered this question by saying that Government was simply a species of tyranny, and that it was their duty to approve anything that the Government proposed. He might recall the story of the Irishman who landed ia New York, and at once pronounced his political views by saying that he was " agin the Government " (laughter.) It was sufficient for the Irishman to know that there was a Government, and that ho was " agin it." (Applause.) This dread of the Government, and tho feeling that the State represented tyranny, originally got abroad in Scotland and Ireland, because the government was not "by the people, and for the people,'* but by a "class." They would find that in England and in Scotland in tho past there had been persecution by the State Church, and consequently there had arisen a control of the individual— not for tho benefit of the individual, nor even for the benefit of the majority. They should remember that a Government was, at leait in this colony, what was called a democracy, and in a democracy it was the duty of the State to represent all, and do equal duty to all. The State was what he termed an organisation —an organisation with a history and a life — and it did not end with the life of any. The State had certain functions and the answers to the questions, " What is the State? What are its functions?'* would give answers to many political questions, The State, then, was an organisation or democracy which all must obey* aud from which none could withdraw except by withdrawing from the district included in the State. If they did anything to weaken individualism they would weaken the State, because their endeavour should bo that all should assist in supporting the Government. The State existed "for" the people, and to make the people more advanced than they were now. If they contrasted the civilisation of this century with the civilisation of the lasfc century— take, for instance, the criminal code, the social advantages of , tho people, even the food of the people— they would see what advantages were the pleasures that we had. What an enormous advance this century had made in education ! Centuries after they were dead and gone they would see a better race of men and women, and they might as well abolish all philanthropic influence if they did not hope to elevate the race. . If they recognised that the State existed for tho benefit of the race, they .must take care that the State did not do anything to interfere with their freedom, and tho State's duty was not limited to merely looking after the people, and taking

3&**o that they were not "killing eaoK other fag the providing, of policemen. However, c uthe State did too much for the people and ' did not train 1 them for individualism, it would '^certainly aeßlst in the deterioration of the race. Now, let him give them an illustration. A ' naval officer had staled as an absolute fact that the fisher boys who had been allowed any amount of freedom in their youth, although perhaps more impatient of restraint than the luds taken from the training schools, still, when danger came, and a necessity for individual courage arose, they were infinitely better than the others. That was because the fisher lads 'had been trained in individualism. Therefore they had to be very careful that the functions of the State did not interfere with the freedom of the people. He did cot believe, with some people, that socialism was the remedy of the evil. That meant interfering too much with the freedom of the people. He believed that it would do injury to the State and to the people themselves to pursue such a course. (Applause). But there were those who held that the '-State had no right to interfere in money matters, in fact just as if it was a kind of .police surveillance. But he held that the State had certain functions that it must perform. In this &ge they must admit that the State had duties which it must perform. There were people who said that the State might be called upon to do many things which private associations could not do. He admitted that- providing the association cnuld do it, the State should not intertere. But if the association could not perform those duties, the State 'must of necessity do so.

THE LAND QUESTION. Now let them ccc whether the duty of the State could solve the difficulty of the land question (applause), for he believed that this was the vital question— a question on the solving of which the future welfare, and even existence, of States must depend. Here they had Hcylla and Charybdis, and he was a good politician who could pilot the ship safely there. They must not expect that a man would work upon hia land, toiling; early and late for the best part of his life, if the State was to reap the ie=>ult of all hia labour?. That was a monstrous pol'cy to propound, and they mut>t provide that the man should reap the profit of hia labour?, otherwise men would not undergo the trials of a first settlers' Hfo It had been said by the American Emerson that " wheat would Dot grow without protection,'' which meant "that he who sowed must reap the profits or else not sow, They must see therefore that the settler was sure of reaping the profits of his lab ura upon the land. But there were dangers and difficulties in dealing with the freehold tenure. Let them consider what freohold tenure meant. It meant that if the State parted with the land it had no further right to interfere with actions of the owner of that land. That meant that a man if he had sufficient capital to purchase the City of Auckland and the Borough of Parnell, might if he chose go in for a general eviction. He might ?ay 11 Clear out ; lam goiug to make this into a sheep run." And the people would be compelled to go at the will of the owner. That would mean that it was not the duty of the State to interfere in such caaos of freehold tenure wrongly used. But he would tell them that; there was hardly a country in the world but was now recognising thtt the holder of the freehold tenure had no right to act in euch a manner. Why was it that the Irish Land Act was passed, or the Crofters Act in Scotland, or the Agricultural Hold ings Act in England, but simply because the Government were acknowledging that a man had not the right to act as he pleased with his laud. In America this necessity had not yet become pressing, because there had been plenty of room out v\ eat, but they would see that now it was coming upon them, and already the question wa3 being aeked, and they would find that iv a few years the United States would have also to take up the position that it could not afford to allow a man to do as he pleased with his land without consulting the wishes of the people. This waa not a new idea, for M. de Lavaleyes had referred to this matter in his preface to " Primitive Property." He had warned the residents in these colonies that they might prevent the many difficulties that had grown up in the older countries That a man had not the right to utilise his freehold tenure as be pleased was the only true position that they could take up, and that they could not give a freehold if the Government had no power over the land affcer it parted with it. For such action meant to become the same as other older countries. It might be said by politicians that this was the proper course to pursue, but he could tell them that it meant that the State had yielded up its most Bacred functions— that of looking after the welfare of the people. (Applause )

PERPETUAL LEASES. Then there was the question of perpetual leases. He waa sorry that the word lease had been used, because it meant to English people an uncertain tenure. By English people he meant those who had come from Great Britain, To such people the term lease had been a synonym for insecurity of possession. Ho would rather have termed it "conditional freehold." The system provided that the State does not ask the man to spend all his money upon procuring land upon which to settle. What had always ground down the farmer, but that he sp -nt all his money buying land from the Government, and after a few years had to go to the money lender for assistance? Then followed the ttsual result, that ha had to go on grinding and grinding until at laBt he lost the proceeds of his labour. This was what they wished to prevent. (Applause. ) By this system he did not part with his little capital. He entered upon the land, the land was valued, and the highest interest he was called upon to pay was only 5 per cent., and that for 30 years, and at the end t>f that time the land was revalued apart from the tenant's improvements, and the lease could be renewed for 21 years. If the tenant thought the land over- valued, he could at the end of the term secure payment to the uttermost farthing of his improvements, and walk out with the money in bis pocket. The State therefore gave him by this system absolute fixity of tenure, and protected his improvements. It also asserted a controlling voice ovor all the land of the colony, and limited the quantity which could be held in any one band- How much better would the fate of our email farmers have been had this system been in vogue years ago ! And how much better it would have been for the colony as a whole "by prevonting the monopolisation of large tracts of its most fertile lands in the hands of a few capitalists. No blacker mark stained the early annals of the colony than the fact of these things taking place, The result waa now that they had district after district crying out that its towns were being obliterated by the locking up of the lands from settlement. The fact that such things as he had referred to had characterised the early history of !New Zealand was one of the gravest accusations that could be made against the legislation of any country. Yet people fully alive to these evils of the past found serious

fault with the system of perpetual leading and the State resumption .of freeholds. They, declared that similar evils would result from such a Btate ,o£ things as this, But the men who held these opinions .had yet to learn the very alphabet of {he question. They contended that the State should resume the possession of large properties in v order to subdivide and resell them. But the resumption of land by purchase from private individuals, for the purpose of handing it over to other private individuals with no conditions as to settlement, would be a monstrous thing for tbe State to contemplate. He could not see on what grounds suoh , a thisg could be defended. If we wished to see the colony free from the dangers, diffioultiep, and, he might a leo say revolutions of other countries, then we should educate our representatives not to continue the opposition which they had offered so far to the leasing system.

NATIVE LANDS. As for native land legislation, the bill brought down by hie Government last session was the first measure which had placed native land dealings on a proper tooting. There wore two ways of dealing with these lands : one way was to allow native landpwners to dispose of their property how, when, and wherethoy pleased. Last seaeion member after member from Auckland had pot up and told the Bouse in a manner that signified the rest of the colony knew nothing at all in the matter, that what was wanted here was free trade in native land, but what did that mean. It meant that the native lands were to become the property of the wealthy cliques or syndicates which could best fee lawyers and interpreters, and offer rewards to facilitate their desires, They would establish a virtual monopoly of native lands. But the Government had set its face against such a sate of things, and the other way it had provided for the dieposition of native lands wos that all trans actions in respect of them should be made through its hands, and that native land should be sold or leased only upon the same conditions and in the came way as Grown lands. By these ineauj? they protected the interests of the native owners and they placed the poor man — the man of small means — on an equality, to far as the acquisition of native lands were concerned, with those wealthy cliques, comDanies, or syndicates, which, so far, had bren the curee of Now Zealand.

THE DEPRESSION AND THE MODE OF RELIEVING IT. This method of dealing with native lands would also enable the Government to treat more fairly the question of local industry. As the Mayor had told them, we were sufferiug from a period of depression, but in that respect New Zealand was ; not unique. The same depression had affected England, America, Australia and the Continent of Europe. A Commission hod been eitting in England to investigate the causes of the depression there and the decline of manufactures. Some people wanted to know how all thie was to be remedied in this colony. fie believed it could only be remedied in two ways— not by any new methods but merely by the people producing more and saving more. That was the only remedy they would get for depression anywhere in the world. Wealth could not be created without labour and saving, and capital was only labour saved.

PROMOTION OF LOCAL INDUSTRIES. The only way of removing the depreeeion was by work and thrift. Ha believed that the State could interfere beneficially by giving aid, where in other countries associations might give the aid. Already the State here had given an enormous amount of aid in that direction. Were not votes for railways, roads, harbours, and bridge?, and bonuses for smelting and other industries all so many forms of State aid to local industries ? All they were asking, therefore, was simply that the State should push forward the natural industries of tho colony. As an example of the logical teaching of free trade Mr Stout referred to a paragraph in the report of the Koyal Commission on the depression of trade and industry in England. That report stated as one of the reasons for the depression of trade that production had been reduced and the manufactures of the country handicapped by shortened hours of labour. Nevertheless, the Commission were of opinion that it was of so much importance to maintain the physique and social health that, although it might be true that manufactures did suffer from this cause, yet it would be uti advisable to alter it. Professor Pryce, however, contended that this was contrary to the principles ot free trade, because if laws were made affecting the hourß of labour they would interfere with free trade, and mean that the State had no right to interfere with labour in any respect, no right to ipterfere with the hours of labour for women and children. Everything was made a struggle for existence, and the Slate was to stand by and see fair plfty. On the principles of absolute free trade this colony phould not make a road, should oofc aid any industry whatever, should not even interfere with the Post office, and the State's duties would be limited to merely maintaining order. Thw was the logical position. It was tho duty of the State to see that industries were encouraged, and no country could expect) to become great by depending upon one industry alone. The State would have to still further assist in the development of local industriep. The State had already fciven assistance to agricultural and to pastoral pursuits, and the State should again assist in promoting other industries. There were, however, great dangers, and he might say great evils in view in dealing with this question ; for if the opinions of some people were carried out to a logical conclusion, the State would be doing everything and for everybody. He wished to say a few words on the question of taxation, and would point out how, even in taxation; this could aseiet industries.

LAND TAX. There mvi3b be tyro clasae3 of taxationdirect and indirect taxation ; and here he would say one word about a land tax. Two years ago he had referred to this. He had proposed in 1885 to make all agricultural implements and agricultural machinery to the amount of £3,000 exempt from taxation, which was in fact a modified land tax, and he was sorry that those who were calling out for the imposition of a land tax had voted against it. They had therefore to deal with indirect taxes, and must necessarily face a taxation per head. The Customs revenue had decreased from two causes. First, he was very pleased to obeerve that there had been less liquor drunk (bear, hear), and the goods imported had not been valued so highly as previously, and there would consequently have been less revenue received. Thus, although population had increased, Customs revenue had become lees than it was years ago. Then, also, as they continued borrowing thdy would have £10,000 to pay this year more than last, and this would have to' be met partially through the Custom- Houqe. If an industry was likely to thrive, ithad a right to be considered in adjusting

taxation, and he saw no difficulty in doing that. ( Applause.,) ;Ooe way wm to encourage agricultural eettlemsnt, and the Government,had done much in that direction, He hoped,they would be encouraged ;by the people to go od, for unless the country was settled the tpwn could not go on. They were importing into this country hundreds ot articles that co.uld be manufactured h«re, and by a judicious Customs tariff in a few years new . industries would be started, labour would bo attracted to the* colony, the industries would thrive and the colony would prosper. He wished to deny ac once the assertion made by free traders that the result of protection was to increase the cost of goods "to the consumer. He could instance, for example, experience in the manufacture of soap and candies in this colony, and there was the manufacture of tweed, too What was the history of these industries ? Duty was put on important good?, and capital was attracted to these industries Then there arose competition in these industries, and the articles' produce^ became cheap to the consu mer. Take, for instance, the mar ufacture of tweeds and candles before and after these industries wera started, and they would find a decrease in the pr ea, even greater than could hare otherwise have been brought about. In (hago, they started a factory for the production of bla°t ing powder, and the result was that the price of that article waa lessened 3d or 4d per 1b to the consumer. That industry was started by the imposition of a Customs duty on the imported article, and the manufac ture of blasting powder in Otago had com pelled th 9 importers to sell 3d or 4d a lb cheaper than they did previously. He would refer them to the bock published by Mr Atkinson, in which illustrations were given of the progress of twead and steel rail industries under a high import duty. The result of this movement in America had been to reduce the expenditure of their Railway Companies here by 20 per cent, or 30 per cent. These industries having beon protected, capital and labour at once flowed into the place, and it was plainly quite imaleading to ask people to believe that the imposition of extra import duties had the effect of rafainjr the cost of articles thus protected to the consumers, for within a year or two of the starting of theao industries prices became lees. They must deal with the question in a practical manner, and as practical men, and ho warned them of tho danger that if the functions of the State were too much increased it would result in the weakening of individualism and weakening of the race.

REPRESENTATION. Now he came to the question of representation. (Applaupo) If they rceant that the State should givo equal ju Q tice to all. then they could only give that by treating each -nan us ono, and one only. Any other principlo would dimply be unjust, There wa? no otlvr just principle upon which it could be done He saw that one Northern member in addressing his constituents had blamed the Government for not passing the Representation Bill, but he could tell them that another member for the North Inland had opposed the paeeing of that bill simply because it wae based upon population. The only modification which he thought might be admitted in the bill was, that they must make pome allowance for some time to come for people in scattered country districts He must warn them, despite the great increase of population in Auckland, that if they allowed some I Auckland members to have their own way they would not get any increase of representation because the gain was all in the town He held that, it was the duty of the State to treat one man as one. They must remember that the cry of the leading members of the Opposition — Mr Bryce and Mr Ormond- was that if they allowed tbia representation on a basis of population they would have the four great cities ruling the colony ; but be had yet to learn that the four towns had ever united upon any one question against the remainder of the colony, nor did he believe that such a thing was probable. Why Parnell and Auckland would not unite always, and he doubted whether,if they went tp Newmarket, they would always find Mr Suiter ready to ehake hands with their chairman. ( daughter). What happened to be the state of affairs at present? Wellington votes Opposition, Auckland was split; (laughter), and a good thing too, for perhaps they might have been all Opposition. Christchurch and Duuedin were united for the Government, and ho would say that it would be almo.-t a miracle if they got the four towns to rule the colony ; and yet, why should they not rule the country if they were in the majority ? But would they be in the majority ? Supposing the fr.ur towns did unite against the country, where would they be if the country united aganet the town ? But, according to Mr Ormond, the country, though in the minority, should rule. Who was going to lay down a principle like that to a democracy that the minority should rule ? If that was the principle of the Opposition, he would say, "God save the demoracy." It all meant that the man in the country had more intelligence than those in the towns, but could they see that from the members that the country returned? (Laughter.) He would undertake that taking them man for man, the one in the town was generally more intelligent than the one in the country, and he was bo beciuse those in the town had better advantages. He had no diead of the towns, and the man who dreaded the town dreaded the democracy, for they dreaded the majority. What they wanted was the principle of representation based upon the population. (Applause). He was not going into the question of why the representatives of the Opposition oppoeed the passing of the bill, and then said to the country and towns that it was a vicious bill. They started by eaying that it was a vicious bill, and afterwards abused the Government for not passing it. They dreaded first that the Government would not allow them to mangle the bill in committee, and they also dreaded the wakening up of the country to the fact that representation should be on the basis of population. He would ask them to notice the speeches of certain members as reported in " Hansard," and see how their acts accorded, *

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. And now he came to another question which followed naturally from representation by population. For representation by population really meant government of the colony by the people, and to do this they had to take into consideration the Civil Service system. He would affirm that never had such a bill been paesed by any Government as that one known as the Civil Service Reform Bill. It took away the patronage by Minister 1 ?. It provided that none but ex* perts should be especially appointed on the Civil Service. The rest must come in through examination — the only door to enter the Civil Service was for young men and women to enter for the examinations, for there was to be bo distinction. A bright boy, whoever he waa and whereever he was, should have a »chance. He proposed that each district ehonld have a nomination— say Auckland City East. It should: have one nomination, and should not be entitled to another chance until every , other district in the

oDlony had also nominated one cadet. Now as the law existed, patronage .was taken away from the Government in power; and the Auditor-General waa bound to see that a boy had the requisite number of marks before he would authorise ' payment of his aftlary. The question was were they to look upon the Civil Service as a profession, or were they to put the civil servant* on the came footing aa bankers and merchants' clerk 8? They had chosen the lattor course, and now a Civil Service appointment could bo terminated at three months. (Applause.) And in order that the man should not go away penni lees, five per cent, of his salary was retained, and, with intorest, handed to the civil servant on leaving. Here came in the question cf retrenchment. He thought that the coat of government could be reduced, and he would undertake to s»y that the next Estimates that they would bring down would be moro fair than any yet brought down by any other Government. To dismiss a large number of Civil eervauts, however, would be no aid to the col -ny, for muefc of thtm would claim and get compensa'ion. Bat what might he done would ba to consolidate offices acd <o see that the salaries paid were not larger than those given in other colonies. Af. the same time they couH pave the way for future economy by engaging Civil eetvants on quarterly tomo«, eefctiug apart 5 per cent, of all salaries for retiring allowances,

THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. [A. voice: What alxufc the Legidlativo Council ?] Perhaps Ivs friend was aspiring to that Chamber, and for that roaeon he did not know what to say at oat i*. (Laughter). He hoped, however, the time vtould come when wo would only have on© Legislative Chamber, and until that reform came he would strongly oppose any attempt to make the Legislative Council elective That would make of it a barrier to retorm and create difßcultie3 betwe&n the two Chambers, such as those v, hich had happened in Victoria and resulted in a deadlock tihere.

SOCIAL REFORM. Turning to this question, he believed the Stato should take care to preserve the phy?ique of the people. As a first etep in fchw direction he thought tho State should limit the hours of labour for men and women, and in this connection he complained of want of sympathy from the people most interested— the workers thorn- j eelves. He could understand fiec-traders objecting to such legislation, f»r free trade was virtually State non-interference. He was surprised, in introduciug to Parliament I his bill for limiting: the hours of labour for barmaids, to find men calling themfcelved democrats getting up one another to oppose the measure, Without eocial reform political reform would be of little avai 1 , for social reformaimod at the preservation of the race from degeneracy, and that object was i only to be attained by careful regard being paid to the physical well-being of the people, at.d by caiing for their physical welfare they would be also conserving their moral welfare.

THE BORROWING QUESTION. He thought he had now touched upon all the questions which were prominently before the country, and which affected the policy either of Government or of Opposition. In iact, there seemed to bo very few points on which the Opposition seemed to differ from the Government. The chief points of divergence were with the Government's land legislation, and on the subject of representation as well on tne subject of borrowing. It was a eingular thing that as soon as he began to poiat out that the colony could nob stand any more borrowing, the Opposition suddenly began to find out that further borrowing was abdolutely necessary, yet, not so long ago, his colleague had been denounced throughout the length and breadth of the colony on account of his proposals for borrowing Now he found that the leaders of the Opposition, as for instance, Mr Bryce at Waverley, and Mr Ormond at Napier, had declared we must have more borrowing, and be would undertake to say that all the , Opposition candidate?, big and little, would now echo the cry that we must borrow moro, which simply meant that the Opposi tion being assured that the progress of the colony depended upon further borrowing, were afraid to stop it. He believed, however, that we ehould try and limit our borrowing, and that the colony would never be truly great unless it could depend upon itself without invoking the assistance of the money le ider. He did not say that wo could stop borrowing at once, but that was the goal we ehould set betore oureelvep, and towards which we should continually strive.

THE AIM OF DEMOCRACY. Moreover, these periods of depression were in the end the better for us, and those who came after us, by reason of the provision they induced us to make. What should be our aim in dealing with these political questions ? He had asked them to consider every political question by going a step backwards, and considering what; is the function ot the State. He atked them to think of themselves as a democracy, and as such to have hope in the future We should never be a great people, or attain to any position in the world, except we had faith in ourselves, and believed that the world was better than when we camo into it. The world was to be governed by the people, and therefore we must always trust the people and have faith in the future. We must have State education, and State education of the highest character, diffused throughout the land, bo that the poorest maci'a son might attain to the loftiest position in the State. (Loud applause). If we had faith in the race and in its progress we should be struggling for what we believed to be true and right, and victory would be ours in the end. He asked the people of Auckland to take every political question back to these leading principle?, and he felt assured that the result would be a consistency in effort. If they only would, when considering those political questions, look to the future rather than to the present, he had no fear as to how they would vote at the com ing election — they would, not bo influenced by men,' but by principle. They might have a country weil governed by a despot, who might do just as well as a Government backed by a Legislative Council, but the people would feel that the Government was not their Government, ani that the State was not their State, The time would come, he felt convinced, when the people would look upon the rights of the State as their own, and suppo.t th^m in every possible way. He noticed one instance of this kind, in connection with the Stark purchase, when the public called upon the Government for a Commission of Inquiry ; then the Government saw that the people, of Auckland recognised the fact that any injury to the State was an injury doneto themselves. He was pleased to see that they had been educated this far, and he felt that if this feeling was generally adopted they would have a vast improvement in the condition of the people and in the government of the colony. The State wAs simply the men and women of the colpnv organised, and, by bringing every political question , to thia test, tUeyr\ would, be interested .in the. government in a way they could not imagine. They would , have a cheaper government and

a better people if they would only recognise these facts, and all work together, for the good of the colony, and the generation who came after them would bless them because^ they would then live better and more contented lives than we were able to find upon this earth. Sir Robert thanked the audience for I the patient hearing they bad accorded him, and resumed hia seat amidst great applause. Mr W. Duncan tbeu came forward, and moved that a vote of thanks ehould be accorded the Premier. He felt tkat the Hod, Mr Stout h,*d given them much to think over, and no doubt those who had .listened attentively would admit that ifc was very different to some political speeches they had heard. He mustaleo thank Sir Robert Stout* on bthalf of the "K ad ical Reform League for hi* generosity in delivering an addresa under their auspices. The Radical Reform Leaguo had not loDg been formed in this ciLy. It was simply an association formed to study the political signs of the times. They tat there to watch the actions of the Government, and if they saw any abuse to draw the attention of the Government to the matter, Although they might noti figreo with Sir Kobert Stout on all points, etill they must admit that he was far more advanced than Borne politicians who had addressed them. (Applause.) Mr Batfey seconded the motion, which, was then put to the meeting and carried with acclamation. The Chairman, in conveying the vote of thanks to the speaker, said that he had never contemplated the address would bear the form it hud. Thoy had been used to far different addreesee in the past, but bow in. the future they would be able to fgo how theee advanced opinions were received, and if they saw politicians who would not assist in these matters, then they vtould know what to do at the ballot box. Sir Robert Stout briefly thanked the audience for the vote.

QUESTIONS. In answer to questions the Premier eaid— « (I) That the question of differential 1 tariffs in favour of British possessions he had advocated ; (2) that our port* were protected for the people at large, and not for the banks in particular ; (3) that he did not think the honorariums paid to the Legislative Council should be abolished, for that would mean that only rich men could enter that House ; (4) that aa wo had triepnial parliaments there was no necessity of vacating members' feats upon petition* signed by ovor half his then constituents j (5) that he did not believe in the reduction of the representatives to 13 from each ieland, as that wou'd simply mean the placing of power in the hands of a few. (Applaupe) The Premier then in a few complimentary remarks propoped a vote of thanks to Hia Worship the Mjyor for presiding, and the motion was p'vß-ed with acclamation, The assemblage then dispersed.