THE ENGLISH MAIL [VIA SAN FRANCISCO.] THE PEACE OF EUROPE. IMPORTANT DEBATE IN THE REICHSTAG. Speeches by Moltke and Bismarck.

Te Aroha News, Volume IV, Issue 191, 12 February 1887, Page 2

THE ENGLISH MAIL [VIA SAN FRANCISCO.] THE PEACE OF EUROPE. IMPORTANT DEBATE IN THE REICHSTAG. Speeches by Moltke and Bismarck.

Despatches from Berlin, January 11th, say the Reichstag was crowded on that day, the occasion being the calling? up of the Government Military Bill in its amended form for a second reading. Horr yon Widell Piesdorff, President of the Chamber, read the Committee's report on the bill. The Committee eaid it was not authorised to advocate any of the proposals in connection with the measure, because none of them had obtained the sanction of the majority of the Committee. General yon Moltke opened the debate in favour of the second reading on behalf of the Government, He said he did not believe that any State should assume the responsibility of increasing the supply of combustible materiul which at present existed in greater or less degree everywhere. Strong governments, he contended, were the best gaurantee of peace, while danger lay in the ambition of party leaders and in their influence on public opinion. "If any State," eaid General yon Moltke, " can work effectively to preserve peace, it is Germany, who ainie solely on the defensive. For this she must be strong and prepared for war. Should wt> against our will/ he continued, "be involved in war, we shall be able to wage it. If this bill is rejected, we shall most certainly have war. To day's vote in the Reichbtap on the measure will not fail to have its effect abroad. The army alone renders possible protection to all our political institutions, which must stand or fall with it. A grant for a short time will not be acceptable. The eyes of Europe are fixed on thia body. I appeal to your patriotism to adopt the bill and show the world your readiness to make any sacrifice, even of your own adverse opinion, if the well-being of the fatherland ia at etake." Baron Stautienberg followed General yon Moltke, and whi'e he wan speaking, Prince Bismarck entered the chamber. At the conclusion of Baton Stauffen berg's bpeecb, PriDce BiMnarck rose, lie said the desire of all the military authorities of the empire was only oppose* by Heir Kichter, Jtierr Windthorst, and Herr Giiilenberger. It was difficult to conclude puaceat Fraukfort, and it was still moie difficult to maintain it A degree of intimacy »nd mutua 1 confidence existed between Gern>any and Austria such as neverexi-tf^itth' pei tod ot the German federation, *' We are hound to maintain peace for this quaiter m the globe ; but for thia a strong army is required. Our relations with all the power.- are of tho best, and our good relations wilh Kuesia aie beyond all doubt I ehould Ir.ve cons dererl the entering upon war on account of Bulgaria as an act of tre :?on againfefc my country." Prince Bismarck continued : " What is Bulgaria to uc ? Ii is all tho same to us whoever governs there. The friendship of Russia is surely moio important to us than that of Boigctna. We have not allowed ourselves to bo induced by any one to make an enemy of Kusbij for the sake uf Bulgaria. To maintain gon>\ relations amony the powers is mom difficult than you think. We cannot allou our efforts to be nullified by journalistic or paiiiamentary attacks. Our relations with France continue good. To •maintain them w 'hmcult, becaunn » long historical process must be accomplished before the feelings ot the past are appeased and difference-* rec >nciled. We have done everything to induce the French to forget and forgive. We nave no present grounds to apprehend y. i\v v> :th France, neither have we any reason fi> fo >.r it, if it s>iould happen. There can be no question about our 'attacking France, but we must protect ourselves against an attack. Under no onjiunv} circumstances shall we attack France, but wo ?hall always be compelled to aim ours«- \cs in such a manner as to be equal to i contingency of war. This is the "upieinc objact of the army bill. I have a firm eoi.fr •- oca in the peaceful disposition ol tne French Government and a portion oi fho F/<.Mch people. Still the past teaches us that we cannot; count on peace with Franca ia peimanent. A Government mi y onu day come into power at Paris whirh will make war upon ns. This you mu^t lake into account If we do not pr< pare, as you say, to-day, when war come? we will have to grant everthing, and ah slu uM be laughed at Is there in France a single paper or n tingle public person who rays * We renounce our rights to / l-ace-Lorraine ?' The p^s-ibiliry of French a^re^sir.n <h therefore a sufficient motive for the bill France is a strong and well-armed power. Her army is Drave and ready to fi fht. Wo must never sit idle with our hand a in nnr laps, however peaceful France may 1 jok for the moment Suppose the French proved victorious, what would we have to expect ? We should have the same Frenr-h against ua from whom we suffered from 17S0 to 1813, and they should again suck our blood and we would b« paralysed for thirty years. Endeavours would be man ■ to pwrmanently weaken us. Such demands would be made as to give up Hanover. lam only deed ibing possibilities that might ariee in tho event of our defeat. The peace of 1870 is mere child's play in comparison with what peace would be after a war in 1890. He who wishes to take the responsibility for this let him. The Federal Governmeut will nob take that responsibility, and they therefore submit the bill. They wish to have permanently sufficient trained soldiers in the empire. We have chosen the seven years' term because this wbb the period of the previous compromise and our constitutional life depends upon that compromise. The Federal Council did all they could to in consenting to the septennial period. They had only the interests and security of the empire and the wellbeing *of the fatherland in view. Do jou believe that if you refuse to adopt the terms proposed in the bill the Federal Council will deviate from their original proposal? If a similar de mand were made in France, do you think there is any possibility of its being refused? {Cheers.] No ground exiets for placing difficulties in the way of the Ferleral Gorernment in regard to the period of duration of the bi'l, especially in view of the fact that we have kept strictly to the text and spirit ■of the constitution. Underetand, now, that we resolutely adhere to our demand for the septennial. We cannot give way even a bair's breadth. [Applause from the right.] "VTho can guarantee always the same majority in this Houce. Do you wish to make the rise and fall of the German army dependent upon majorities in theßeicbstag ? By doing so you change the Imperial army Into a Parliamentary force. In this cane we might have to appeal to the electors to discover whether that is really the wish of the nation. We shall see whether the electors will permit ideas actively to exist according to which the strength of the army is to be determined by the Reichstag without the consent of the Federal Council and Emperor. You can' hardly expect the Emperor in his ninetieth year will contribute to the destruction of the work he has de*

voted the last thirty years of his life to the creation of Germany and the army of the German Empire If you believe thatposeible, if you awaken the slightest suspicion that these are your arms, and if you do not speedily satisfy the wishes of the Federal Government regarding the defensive powers of Germany by complete of the bill, then we prefer to deal with another Reichstag. We will enter 'into no further negotiations with you. The 'danger in which we might place the German nation by procrastination forces' us to promptly obtain a decisive answer, or to address ourselves to others who will give us such an answer. The question has been asked, Why has the Government not waited for the expiration of the existing septennate? {The leading reason was that the Government has been convinced that the system of frontier guarding requires immediate strengthening. We did not wish to endanger the empire by delaying the bill, and we were not prepared for any opposition to so moderate a demand. Had j we known this beforehand, we should have j done better to first consult the electors as to whether or not they wish to preserve the German Empire in its present accessions. Ab it is, we must now insist upon our demands." At the conclusion of the speech Prince Bismark was loudly cheered. Bismarck's speech created a deep impression in Paris, and the general impression is that it does not increase the prospects of peace. "Le Matin " says :—": — " The account opened in 1870 will never be settled as long as the German flag floats over Metz and Strasbourg." The impression throughout Europe is very deep, and London specials say the outcome certainly will be the passage of the German Army Bill by this, or if not, as Bismarck plainly eaid, by a new Reichstag. The "Times" correspondent describee Bismarck as stammering with a sort of caution when referring to Germany's relations with Ruesia, and epeaking with prompt and rapid utterance when dealing with France. At a meeting of the Progressionist members of the Reichatag, held January 12th, it wap decided to support the <*sentre in voting the triennate term as the duration of the German Army Bill. There is not a symptom of weakening on the part of the Opposition, or of itR being inclined to let go beyond the triennate term. A small nutn ber of the nobility who are members of the Centre will vote with the Government, but the fate of the bill will not be affected. A despatch from Berlin, January loth, say 8 the Gorman Army Bill was defeated by 29 majority. The instant that the President finished reading the result of the division Prince Bismarck arose, und read with distinct utterance a brief decree dissolving the Reichstag. He added no words of his own. He cloeed the writing cas*e enfolding the document with a sharp emphasis, and abruptly strode from the chamber to his carriage, driving off without speaking ro anyone.