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LEON GAMBETTA, Founder of the French Party. [A resume of a paper read before the Auckland French Literary Society by A. Villeval Hon. Sec]

Leox Gambetta was born at Cahors, on the 3rd of April, 1838. His ather, at Oeuoan origin, kept a small grocers shop in that town, and succeeded in creating a good situation for his family. He sent his son to the seminary, and although he destined him to the priesthood, young Leon showed so little inclination for it that he was obliged to take him out of the seminary and to send him to the Lycce, where young Gambotta achieved the most brilliant successes. On saving the Lycte, he went to Paris to attend the courses of the School of Law. At the quartitr Latin, he soon attained a kind of supremacy over his condisciples, who liked to hear him speaking, and already foresaw what he was to be one day. Born an jrator, he bad the gift of interesting his learors with subjects moBt trifling in aplearance. One would have thought that in :hese controversies among students he prepared himself for the great r6le he would have to play, that he tried his oratorical power, and was studying the effect his arguments produced. In 1859, he was admitted as a member of the Parisian bar, and was for a while secretary to Lachaud, bhe great lawyer. At that time Gambetta was "only known by hi 3 fellow students and was waiting for an opportunity to display the resources of a talent which wanted only to see the light to place itself in the first rank. He soon left Lochaud to go with Dre"mieux, who was Minister of Justice in LB4B, and it was with him that Gambetta commenced his reputation as a lawyer. He appeared for the defence in several political trials, and in each of these the young lawyer showed a new quality. But it was only in 1868 that he became really prom inent. He was engaged by Delescluze, a Republican journalist, to defend him in one oi the most celebrated political cases of the Second Empire (the procee Baudin). This case, Empire v. Republic, commenced the ruin of the Imperial dynasty, and Gam betta's speech, a most brilliant improvisation was the condemnation of the coup tfetat of the 2nd of December, 1851. The day after this trial Gambetta'a name wa3 in every mouth, and even the enemies of the Republican party admired this lawyer who all at once had placed himself prominently among all the illustrious men of the French bar France, so prolific in talented orators, reckoned a tribune more, a tribune whose powerful voice was to give France a liberty of which she had been deprived so long. When the general elections for the Chamber of Deputies took place, Gambetta was elected at Paris and at Marseilles, where he had as opponents M. Thiera and M. de Lesseps, wliom he defeated by a large majority The electors understood what future and virility there wero m that! young man of thirty-one years of age. { He had scarcely taken his seat m the Chamber of Deputies when he made a sensational speech in favour of Rochefort, then a Deputy, who was prosecuted for having written an incendiary article in which he called the people to arms to fight aeainut a dynasty which had in its midst the murderer of Victor Noir, Prince Pierre Bonaparte. In 1871, apropos of the plebiscite he made a speech which created a great sensation in the country, and in which he pointed out the instability of the Empire, which was then beginning to totter to if s destruction. Everyone knows with what rapidity the events connected with the FrancoGerman War went on, and as what belongs to the declaration of war is outside of my subject, I shall pass it over. However, I must say that at the beginning of our first disasters, Gambetta would not take advantage of the difficulties the Government met with. He refused to listen to the offers which pome Republicans made to him to provoke a rising of the people against the existing power He did not want, patriot as he was to paralyse the strength of the country in so critical a moment. But as soon as the result of the battle of Sedan was known, when he saw his fatherland at the mercy of foreigners, when the Empire had just buried iteelf under the universal contempt, he no longer hesitated. He felt that there was a great task to accomplish, that it was necessary to show to the whole world that if France had allowed hereelf to bo debased by Corsican adventurers, she had still enough blood to preserve her honour, and to make herself respected, and even admired by other nations. He therefore became one of the founders of the Republic, wh'ch proved to be the regeneration of France*

On the 4th of September, 1870, when the Republic was proclaimed, he was chosen Minister of the Interior by his colleagues, and in that capacity rendered innumerable services to hits country. After the battle of Sedan the Germans marched against Paris, and the Government, resolved to send a deputation to Tours to organise the defence. Soon afterwards Parts was surrounded by the German troops, and the communications with the other ptovinces became more and more difficult. We heard from the provinces by reports whioh pigeons carried to Paris, and we sent our reports and corre* pondence by balloon. On the 7th of October, when the German! commenced to bombard our fortifications, we heard that the, organisation of the defence in the province was far from being satisfactory, and the Government) resolved to send Gambetta as their most energetic member to take steps which might enable the country to defend itself. Gambetta left Paris in a balloon, and went through all kinds of dangers. He arrived at last at Tours, and things took at once quite another aspect. He sent to all parts of the country proclamations, the energetic and patriotic tone of which produced an immense impression. He reminded the population of the glory of the first Republic, when the people fought barefooted against the best armies m Europe to obtain their liberty He showed our fathers fighting at Jemmapes, and at Valmy to the strains of the Marseillaise. He entreated his countrymen to forget the eighteen years of effeminacy they had gone through, to resume again the virility of the great days of the Revolution. Eloquent speaker and man of action, he attended to everything; the management of public services as well as the organisation of armies; the strategic combinations of policy as well as the operations on the battlefield. He was everywhere ; it eeemed that he had the gift of übiquity. To-day he was at Lyons, tomorrow at Lille, the day after at Orleans ; everywhere the sound of bis words, full of warmth, excited the enthusiasm of the people. Ho organised the army of Loire, the command of which ho gave to the Generals d'Aurelies de Poladines and Chauzy ; the army of the North, which he entrusted to General Faidherbe ; the army of the East, of which he appointed Bourbaki commander; and, in fine, he applied to the modern Bajard — to Garibaldi— who, remembering that Italy, united and free, was indebted to France for her liberty, came and placed his sword at the service of the French Republic, with his aons Menotti and Riccioti. On the 31st of October, when the treason of Metz was known, Gambetta addressed to the French people an ardent appeal. He showed them the wounds of the fatherland ; but, full of hope and energy, ho exhorted all citizens to arm themselves to drive away the invaders; ha advocated defence till the last drop of blood should have been shed ; he displayed all his energy to avoid the dismemberment of France. Never, in so critical a circumstance, had such a man been seen, dealing with everything in such a masterly manner. When everyone doubted of France, he alone remained firm and unflinching ; healonehad confidence in a people who had to fight- for their liberty, for the integrity of their territory. But, alas ! events were stronger than the will and the firmness of one man. The Empire had disorganised everything during its eighteen years of reign. The soldiers and the educated officers had bten changed by the imperial regime into dandies and courtiers, and when Gambetta was looking for men he met only with admirers of the " Grand Duchess " and the haWucs of the opera house, Nevertheless, thanks to his perseverance, he improvised armies and generals, and the only successes France can boast of were achieved by the generals of his choice : Faidherbe, Chauzy, d'Auiollcs do Poladine?, and Garibaldi. If Paris, that is to say, if Trochu had helped Gambetta, if the Governor of Paris, instead of deceiving the Parisians, had led them to the battle field as they asked him, as they were willing to do, on the day of the battle of Coulommiers, Paris could have joined the army of the Loire, and things might have then changed ; but the generals and supporters of the standing army were not pleased at the idea of seeing an army composed of citizens freeing France when their own army had failed. They would not understand that there only was the strength of the nation ; they did not remember that during the glorious years of the Revolution it was the people who fought, and those who then ruled France had enough confidence to entrust them with the honour of saving the country. Generals ! They had none yesterday, but to-day a Hoche, a Kleber, a Morceau come out from the ranks and lead them to victory. Trochu, the great general of 1870, made only plans, and amused the Parisians until starvation had reduced the city to the last extremity, and all the efforts of the great patriot failed before the inaction of those who had in their hands the elite of the nation. When all was over, when France had breathed her last, Gambetta tendered his resignation as a member of the Government, and waited for the elections which were to take place. He was elected by nine different departments or districts, amongst others Bas-Rhin, Haut-Rhin, and Moselle, which now are German. He chose to repre I sent Basßhin, and at the time of the discussion of the conditions of peace ho opposed the cession of Alsaco and Lorraine to Germany, and even proposed to fight again, and when peace was signed he left the National Assembly with the Alsacian-Lor-roine deputies. He then went to Spain to enjoy a rest, which his fatigues had rendered necessary. At the elections of July, 1871, he was again elected by three departments, and represented Paris at the Assembly. In November, 1871, he started the "Republique Franchise, a daily newspaper, which took a prominent place amongst the leading Parisian journal? on account of the value of the articles it published. Soon after he started the petite •'Republique FranQaise," a half-penny i journal which spread the ideas and policy of Gambetta among the working classes. In the Assembly he was indefatigable in endeavouring to unite all the Republicans under one flag, in order to fight the Legitimist and Orleanist parties, which threatened to rule over the Assembly. He failed, and it was then he founded the " Opportunists " party, which was to secure fo • France the Liberal institutions she possesses now. The Opportuniste parky met with a strong opposition not only from the lovers of monarchy, but also from certain Republicans, who, under the nameof " Intransigents," did not understand that the beet policy at the time was the one which, little by little, without boasting, without confusion, gave to France one by one the liberties she had been sc .long asking for. The negotiations of Gambetta, mi speeches, the influence- he had acquired over the people gave him a great weight ai the National Assembly, and it is owing t< his initiative that is due the constitutor which rendered Republic the legal govern ment of France (25th February, 1875). Ai '. the general elections of 1876 he went on i i Parliamentary tour, and the result of hi . speeches brought a Republican -najoritv ti the Chamber of Deputies. He was hinmel

elected by four departments. From that day he was really the unopposed leader of the Republican majority. When Marshal MaoMahon dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, Gambetta again visited the large oities of France, and under his influence all the Republican representatives were re-elected. At last Marshal MaoMahon tendered his. resignation m President of the Republic, « and M. Gre>y was elected in his stead. Gambetta then took M. Grcvy's place as Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies. This was significant enough : after Gre>y, Gambetta, and ifc was easy to foresee that Gambetta would be in his turn President of the French Republic. In 1881, the Chamber of Deputies elected, Gambetta Speaker pro tern. It indicated clearly that they intended he should be a Minister, and soon after M. Grdvy sent for Gambetta to form a new Ministry. During his term of office, he made useful changes iv the public services, and separated the Ministry of Marine from the colonies, trying to give the colonies a civil government instead of the military one they possessed. But envy and jealousy were at work, and Gambetta was obliged to resign. M. de Freyoinet was then sent for, and formed a Ministry, which was soon replaced by a Gambettist Ministry, of which M. Duclerc was the Premier. Therefore everyone expected to see Gambetta again assume the Premiership. He was then in the prime rf life, his talent had never been so powerful, and France looked to him as the future President of the Republic. But an unexpected catastrophe, one of those blows from Destiny which break in on the best contrived combinations, came and struck Republican France with stupor. The news circulated that Gambetta had wounded himself with a revolver he was loading. At first his wou nd was considered as not beingdangerous, but littlo by little ifc became worse, and when France awakened herself on the morning of the first of January, 1883, shei ear that the great orator, the patriot, the statesman had just died at the age of forty-four. The whole nation went into mourning to weep over one of her most devoted servants, over him whom sho liked to look to as the man of the future. Was it not he who, during the days of misfortune, had remained to his post till the last moment? Republic, that goddess which cost so much blood to the people, was it not he, who, by his wise and enlightened policy, by the influence he possessed — was it not he who had made it strong and able to resist the attacks of the monarchical parties? France wept over the great man, and I myself, so far away from the mother country, was deeply moved when I heard of the loss the French Republic had sustained ; ana when I saw the reports of the funeral of Gambetta, I was proud to belong to a country which knew so well how to do honour to its dead. The whole nation was there ; the people, the soul of France, was there to pay theiast tribute of homage to him who had devoted his life to the triumph of liberty. The body of Gambetta was placed in the Hall of Honour of the Chamber of Deputies buildings. Thousands of crowns sent from all the provinces were placed on these remains of a national glory which had just passed away The front of the whole building was covered with black crape, as well as the statue of Strasbourg, and all business was stopped in Paris during the funeral. Then the pro cession left the Chamber of Deputies to q to the cemetery of Pere Lochaise. Three large chariots loaded with crowns advanced slowly bei^re the hearse. The Senate, the members of the Chamber of Deputies, the magistracy, the bar, the army, the ambassadors of foreign countries followed. More than 150,000 citizens, representatives of all the communes of France, accompanied the body to the Pfcre Lochaise. On the way a crowd of 500,000 spectators was there, dense, meditative; it seemed as if it were witnessing its own funeral. It was because this crowd knew what it had just lost, and silent and dull it looked at the flying away of this light, which had enlightened it for twelve years. At tho cemetery, Briseon, now Premier, pronounced a discourse, in which he reviewed tho brilliant career of Gambetta. He exhorted the Republicans to unite themselves to carry out the dearest hopes of the deceased : Franco free and happy, delivered from prejudices,j udices, and going with confidence towards the future. France, in 1871, wounded, broken, dismembored, was about to sink under the weight of her misfortunes ; the people were uneducated, no liberty existed, the newspapers could not speak without being prosecuted, and discord was in the R-epublican camp. All at once a man reveals him? elf ; he is a peacemaker ; he takes upon himself to educate the people ; he disciplines" the Republican party, he makes it a power ; with his discourses, full of wisdom and moderation, be gains to the Republican cause the peasant who had been taught to hate Republic anism. Then these peasants, seeing they had been cheated, send to the House, under the influence of tho same man, Republicans as their representatives. Now, through the powerful impulse of Democracy, we see our a my reorganised, free and com pulsory education, the liberty of the press ; and little by little tho liberties come and impose themselves, without anyone being frightened or even astonished. We pay our war indemnity to Germany, and France breathes freely. Republicanism is established, and if sometimes a dark cloud makes a spot in its beautiful blue sky, it is only to disappear at once. That U the work of a mnn forty-four years old. And if death had not come to strike with its scythe the rogonerator of Franco, Al-aco and Lorraiuo would have returned to tho mother country, for it was the dearest hope of the great patriot, and the Germans have not disguised their contentment on hearing of the death of their most sanguine antagonist.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/TAN18850509.2.24

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Te Aroha News, Volume II, Issue 101, 9 May 1885, Page 5

Word count
Tapeke kupu
3,067

LEON GAMBETTA, Founder of the French Party. [A resume of a paper read before the Auckland French Literary Society by A. Villeval Hon. Sec] Te Aroha News, Volume II, Issue 101, 9 May 1885, Page 5

LEON GAMBETTA, Founder of the French Party. [A resume of a paper read before the Auckland French Literary Society by A. Villeval Hon. Sec] Te Aroha News, Volume II, Issue 101, 9 May 1885, Page 5

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