OUR AMERICAN LETTER. The Presidential Election.

Te Aroha News, Volume II, Issue 75, 8 November 1884, Page 5

OUR AMERICAN LETTER. The Presidential Election.

The Presidential canvas this year is the quietest one I ever know, and yet we wore led to believe at its opening that on the side of the Republicans, in any case, we wore going to have an aggressive campaign. Tho only aggressivoness wo have seen has been of such a peculiar sort that we trust never to see the liko again. Perhaps "Puck" may claim tho credit of getting off the first gun, whon that paper drew Blame as tho " tatoocd man," covered with tho stains of various alleged jobs^ and abuses he is said to bo guilty of. Mr Blaines's record is by no means of a character that will enable him to pass the tyler at tho Lodge of Perfection in the upper sphoros, and " Puck " laid on tho marks pretty thick. The advocate of Blame having liltlo or no public acts to allege against Cleveland, started a story about his private life, alleging that ho was morally unfit to .sit in tho Presidential chair, and published a story of his having seduced a girl at Buffalo. This was a new departure in politics, and what was more, it was a mistake, a mistake quickly taken advantago of too. Mr Cleveland's friends asked that gentleman what they must say in reply, ami he then gave utterance to what promises to bo a political watchword : " Tell the truth," said Mr Cleveland. Tho truth appears to bo ju.st this : Somo years ago Mr Cleveland becamo intimate with a woman, named Maria llalpin, whose virtuo was not intact. Sho was not, however notorious, but was pretty. She had two childron, and subbcquctilly, after making Mr Cleveland's acquaintance, gave birth to a third, the paternity of which Mr Cleveland accepted. After this sho took to drinking, and, in spite oi remonstrances, kept it up, until Mr Cleveland felt compelled to break Avith her. lie asked an old and highly icspcctcd lawyer of Buffalo to negotiate, tho separation. Tho child was sent to the Protestant Orphan Asylum, and the other was .sent -with a pension to Niagara. That ib the thing in brict. Tho truth A\as told to tho woild, and that sphciical body will ?it, or has sat, in judgment on it. So iar as can bo seen, the stoiy A\ill not hint Cleveland much, for it in felt by tho voting population that such a test would havo pi evented many American and EnglWi .statesmen from taking office. 11 this bo true (and tho " Pall Mall Gazette" says it i.s), A\e have need to prate of our virtue, doubtless, as we so lo\o to do in public associations who&o object is the repression of vice in one of its various forms. But this challenge of warfare -with new weapons A\as not i ejected by tho Democrats, and the " TudiiKiopolis Sentinel" soon came out with a story as to Mr Elaine's ha\ ing his present wife, and being forced to marry her at the point of a pistol. It was now Blame & fiicnds' turn to ask him a\ hat they should do. He replied, "Sue tho journal for libel," which has accordingly been done. Tho "Sentinel," in its answer, filed in the United States Court on September 4th, admits writing and publishing the article complained of on August S, ISS4, but denies that it was false in any particular. It sots forth that Blaino was married on or about March 25, ISSI ; that piior to that timo and during his courtship he seduced tho lady ; that he lefused to make reparation for the wiong done till compelled by threats to do so, when lie married her : that in Juno following his wife had a son, -which lived two or three years, and was acknowledged by Blaino to be his son ; that at the head of tho child's grave a tombstone placed, bearing an inscription A\ith its name and stating it to havo been "Born June IS, ISol," and that in a book called "Tho Life of James G-. Blaino," published by a linn in Augusta Maino in ISS4, there is a .statement that tho lady referred to becamo his wife in March, ISSL, at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. So tho matter now rests. Public opinion on both sides has very strongly condemned this indecent style of warfare, and it is highly probable avo shall have seen tho last of it when tho present campaign is concluded. The issues between the parties are about nil, except that tho Democratic party, of which Mr Cleveland is tho representative, leans towards free trade, or a "reform of the tariff," Avhile the Republican party cspou&c* protection. Ifc also promise.-* that it will carry out a firm policy towards Great Britain in regard to that country arresting Irishmen or Irish-Americans, and Blame is put prominctly on the popular cartoons as tho man to "twi.st tho tail of the British lion " Still, I venture, in spite of these protestations, that, if elected, Mr Blaino Avill coo as gently as the woodland dove to the said lion, and will not hurt it more than its constitution can bear a\ ith tolerable even temper; and thisremindsme of howshorrsightcd somo editors can be. When the nominations wore made, almost the whole British press openly expressed their preference for Cle\ eland and his party, because lirst, they favoured a free trade policy ; and secondly, because of tho hostile sentiments of Blame and the Republican party. If anything in the world could tend to defeat the man and party of their choice, such an expression copied into the papers hero was the thing to do it. It is known A\ell that tho party that captures New York stands a fine chanco to capture the Presidency, and both parties arc therefore straining every nerve to consummate that object. Now York city is said to bo "tho capital of Ireland," from the number of Irishmen there. In fact, tho Irish vote may be said to be near, if not all out, tho vote of New York. It sounds to sense, then, that tho Irish are going to bo strongly tempted to rote for tho man who is going to bo most hostile to England, and the man whom tho English disliko most, and this man tho British press have very shortsightedly announced to bo James G. Blaino, the candidate of the Republican party. Another thing, as tho English desiro free trade, and havo been equally frank in saying so, the Irish havo a like temptation to vote for protection simply because they think it will injuro England and bo distasteful to tho English. The Irish papers here of course havo pointod out these things to Irishmen, and if ttu Dotnocratic party lose Now York— for heretofore tho Irish ha\ r o been considered safo democrats— they can with gieat reason lay it to the chargo of tho British press. The true policy of English neAVSpapcrs Avas to have kept silence and waited till tho election Avas over boforo expressing thoin?elves. Will tho editors of the London neAvspapers never learn that their opinion, or Avishes, have no favourable Aveight here? The United States is top big to care for what they like or dislike, in so far as following their advice goes. I can safely say Avhat I have said, because before this letter or tho sentiments expressed therein can reach here the election will be over, but when tho Star reaches England, the English newspapers may got an idea from it they can make a note of, and profit by in the future. I have often wondered at this tendency on tho part of the newspapers of one nation to give advice to another nation. It is very common, but I never could see any good in it. The "Noav York Herald" is a great sinnor in this respect, but

I never read an editorial of this sort in it, but I have a hope that the British people will act the very opposite to what the " Herald" advises, because Ithink it is none of the " Herald's" business. Now, what would you- -what would the people of Now Zealand who read the Star— think if I were to begin to discuss the policy of the Stout-Vogel Cabinet and give advice on it ? Why, of course, they would think I was presuming on my position, and feel like tolling me to mind my own business. Yet lam greatly interested in New Zealand. I feel great interest, and am some little anxious as to the policy pursued, and then I feel as if I were akin to the people there, inasmuch as I was born in England, and may at somo timo stand on New Zealand shores as one "come to stay." Still, till I do mako up my mind to do so, I shall^ endeavour to refrain entirely from advising the Now Zcalanders to do so and so, bccauso I think to do so would bo impertinent and out of place. If this be so in my case, is it nob equally weighty on the part of newspapers in foreign countries? Again, circumstances alter cases. In England 1 was a firm believer in free trade. Hero I also believe in free trade, because I believe the manufacturers hero have been protected long enough to give them a fair start. But if I woie in New Zealand—from what information I have of it— l believe I should be a protectionist, until such times as the manufacturing interests of New Zealand had got a start also. New Zealand needs manufactories, but how can thoso manufactories be started if English manufacturers can undersell the New Zealanders in their own markets? On principle I dislike protection much:— it breeds many vices, and generally, I believe, it is oppressive on the workers, the artisans, and farmers. But New Zealand and Australia aye unique in the fact of being a long distance from "tho old country," an element that plays a most important part in manufacturing. Human nature is selfish," and tho idea that ".selfprotection is tho first law of nature" is so ihmly imbedded in us all that I guc&s it w ill never be eradicated. Politics is after all self-interest, and a man rmy be a Liberal in England, but a very consistent Console ative in New Zealand. For instance, take the question of federation — a qucotion coming to tho front now at Uorac. Years ago I wrote an ecLcorial for an English paper advocating such a scheme to settle the Irish difHculty. _ I advocated local pai lianients for every division of tho British Empire, to deal with local politics, with an Imperial Parliament sitting in London to deal with the policy of the Emphe. However, tho ownership of the paper thought the idea too premature and advanced, and it\vasnevcrprinted;butlamconvinced such a settlement would have satisfied Ireland and put every part of the Empire in good humour. New Zealand, the Australian colonies, Canada, Ireland, Scotland, &c., &c, all ought to send members of Parliament to an Imperial House in London, and have a voice in Imperial matters and policy. Every state in the American Union is a kingdom of itself, but they have a "Central" Government at Washington to Match interests of all as "the United States." Why should not New Zealand, Victorii, New South Wales, «fee, Canada, Scotland, the Cape, India, Ireland and England, all in like manner be individual states, comprising (the Un ited States of ) G reater Britain ? And in this scheme of federation, returning to my question of changing politics, I was in England a Liberal, but if I were to reside in New Zealand I believe I should be a Conservative, and t\ hy ? Simply because the Conservative policy seems to care for more and take more notice of the colonies. When a Conservative Government is in power an Englishman is respected and defended all over the world, but when a Liberal Government is at the helm at St. Stephen's, is it so ? On federation, too, the Conservatives appear to be going for it heart and soul, A\hilo the Liberals arc giving it the cold shoulder, but are going in heart and soul for an enlargement of the franchise and the abolition of the veto power of the Lords. If the scheme I sketched were in force, we should have the Imperial Government always acting on the Conservative policy of defending an Englishman all over the world, while the local Parliament of England could be as Liberal as it pleased : the sequence would bo peace and prosperity at home, with dignity, protection, and respect abroad. Let that home bo where it might be, I want to see the "Union Jack" of Greater Britain as powerful in the Pacific waters as in the Atlantic or at home ; and I believe Federation is the way to this end. Lotus unite till the name of "Britisher" "Englishman," or other Federation name, shall be a name second to none in the world — a name that neither an "Iron Prince," a "Gar," a "President," or any of their subjects dare insult or skoiY at. At present I am afraid it is not so. It is a by--v\ orel in somo parts of the world to call us " Blarsted Britisher," or " Perfidious Englishman," etc., and how long this is to go on depends on our patriotism, aud the strength of our unity and fraternity. Free Lance.