SOLIDARITY OF THE EMPIRE.

Taihape Daily Times, Volume XI, Issue 3507, 21 June 1920, Page 5

SOLIDARITY OF THE EMPIRE.

STATESMANLIKE SPEECH BY LORD MILNER. Received 9 a.m. LONDON, June 18. In the House of Lords Lo,rd Milner, continuing his reply to Lord Charwood regarding the machinery to ensure continuous consultation with the different parts of the Empire, said: We frankly accepted the Dominions as partner nations of equal status, though by common consent we might hold the position of leadership as head of the family. It was supremely important to the Empire and the world that the self-governing Dominions and tlje United Kingdom should continue to pursue a common policy on all great questions of international affairs, so that in the Councils of the World the Empire could speak with a \ single voice. But if that could be accomplished under present constitutional conditions it would Jmly be because the self-governing nations had agreed upon a particular policy 7. There was no power in the constitution to impose the will of the majority upon a dissentient. If they failed to agree common action was impossible. Fortunately in the great test of experience, namely, our war policy, all were continuously agreed, both about the policy as a whole and every important charter. It would be too sanguine to presume always to count on being equally fortunate. We must recognise circumstances might arise, even in a great international crisis, in which the action of the Empire could be paralysed or greatly weakened owing to failure of agreement between all Dominions. That would be a disaster., but was only likely to occur if we lost during pbace time that close touch established in war-time. He did not believe that on any of the world questions different views would be taken by different partg of the Empire so long as they remained in intimate touch with one another, and able to consult before a crisis arose It was of vita! importance to maintain continuous knowledge on the part of the selfgoverning Dominions of the policy which any one was pursuing, and chiefly which the United Kingdom was pursuing as regards its foreign pol- ' icy 7. Dealing with existing methods of consultation, he said the Imperial Conference was gathering greater influence; its, resolutions had considerable effect on the conduct of affairs in the different countries represented, and a good deal of most useful effect in pulling the Empire together bad been the result of those occasional meetings. We must regard the Conference as a regular and permanent organ of our Empire "constitution, because we had a permanent secretariat to pursue various questions and collect material for future conferences, and by communication with the various Governments to see that the resolutions were canted out. Although it. wa s a most valuable instrument, it was very far, owing to the long interval between the conferences, from ensuring that the strength of the Empire was continuously I brought to bear upon the direction of affairs of the world in a way in which the powers of any unified government could be exercised. The question arose whether they could not devise means of making the influence of the Empire as a whole as distinct from United Kingdom continuously effective in the Councils of the World. This was temporarily achieved in war-time and in the peace negotiations through the Imperial War Cabinet of the British Empire. The delegation to the Imperial War Cabinet wa s as complete an executive of the whole Empire as could possibly be conceived, but it was bound to fall into abeyance at the end of the war, if only because the Premiers of the Dominions could not continue to remain absolutely convinced something more was necessary than we got in the constitution of the Empire. If the splendid harmony existing in war time was not, to be frittered away in peace time, and if we were not to separate from one another, going different roads, even without knowing it, he was convinced we would be able to hold together on all matters of world importance only if kept in closer touch than it was possible to do merely by means of Imperial Conferences held every four or five years. Something which brought the peoples of the different self-governing States of the Empire into closer touch was essentia] if the Empire was to play the great role it ought, to play in the world. Something of this kind was in the minds of statesmen, not, only here, but in all tne self-governing countries. He agreed the success of the League of Nations depended above all on the British nation, who were in league already, and able to speak with one voice. He believed if they did they would hardly ever differ «n matters of supreme importance with the United States. Then the two great. Anglo-Saxon Powers could make the League a success and

secure the peace of the worlds The Imperial Government was being strongly pressed by all the Dominions to hold the Imperial Conference as soon as possible. He had hoped the meeting would be held in 1920, but, all agreed it must be postponed till 1921. If it was to be a success and put the future constitutional relations of the Empire on a good footing there must be a meeting of practical Prime Ministers, though not Exclusively so, and this should not bd confused with the periodical Imperial Conference, which was distinct from it in that it would be in the nature of a Constituent Assembly, which would try to arrive at a basis upon which our relations with the Dominions in future would be conducted. It would be a meeting of extraodinary importance, but pending its constitution it was not desirable to put forward any particular scheme of action. He hoped it would not separate without providing the Empire with some organ of Government based on the recognition of complete independence and equality of its different parts.