BRITAIN'S MAN POWER

Taihape Daily Times, 12 April 1918, Page 5

BRITAIN'S MAN POWER

BILL EEAD A SECOND TIME. IRISH POSITION DISCUSSED. LONDON, April 10. In the House of Commons, Sir George Cave, Homo Secretary, in moving the Man-Power Bill a second time, was subjected to considerable Nationalist interruption until the Speaker intervened. Sir George ■ Cave said the Government believed Irish conscription was worth while if only five divisions were obtained. They did not believe an army would be necessary to enforce conscription. There were already considerable troops in Ireland for the preservation of order. Though Homo Rule and conscription were not intended to be two sides of a bargain, Ireland could not get Home Rule more easily than by fighting the Kingdom’s common battle.

Mr Hobhouse moved an amendment that while recognising the gravity of the military situation and the urgent necessity for giving all possible support to the Allied forces, the Houses of Commons is of opinion that the Bill diminishes the nation’s naval and economic power without adding. commensurate military strength. Supporters of the amendment drew Mr'Lloyd George’s attention to the statement that the enemy’s strength was inferior on the West front and asked: "Why, then, have we not taken the advantage of our superiority to assume the offensive! The proposals would produce an avalanche of unfit men, probably less than three per cent being useful for military purposes. The army was now making no effective use of lower grade men.

Mr Dillon stated that the events in France were the only justification for the Bill, but the proposals could not have any possible effect on redressing the recent misfortunes. A combing- . out scheme would provide real reinforcements. Raising the age was unnecessary. He believed the trouble at the front was not lack of men, but was due to the sytem of promoting officers. The “old gang” was still in, control of the army. He described the Bill as a delusion and an attempt to blind the people. The real purpose was to divert public attention from 'the causes of the disasters at the front, Irish bishops warned the Gov---ernment that the Bill would, break down, law and order: The Irish at the front would become formidable, because there would be a confict wherein England was morally wrong. The influence would consequently spread to America and Australia. Believing that the Government was enforcing conscription in order to escape its Homo Rule pledges, he challenged the Government to take a country plebiscite in Ireland on conscription, which would yield probably no more than 80,000, and Imperial Britain’s , food supply.. If .the. deed was .persisted in .Britain’s , moral position before, the world would be gone. ~ Mr Asquith gravely doubted whether raising the age would produce the expected results. He had been overwhelmed by communications from all parts of the country pointing out that the proposals would denude vital businesses of the remaining indispensable men. He himself believed the result would not increase, but diminish national efforts available for the war. He regretted that the tribunals' had been swept away, preventing the consideration of special cases. Irish conscription had been already rejected twice or thrice by the Government. It would have been much easier two years ago. It should not be imposed without Ireland’s general consent, which was not forthcoming. It was only imposed on Britain when general assent had been secured. In a free Empire we must take things and communities as they are. The additional man-power from Ireland by conscription would not balance the drawbacks. The Irish revolutionary movement was now waning, It would be a terribly shortsighted step to accompany Home Rule with this obnoxious proposal. Mr. Asquith concluded by appealing to all parties to endeavour reconcile Ireland to the Empire, in order to preserve an unbroken front. Mr. Bonar Law said the Government agreed to Mr Asquith’s suggestion to give more time for consideration of the Bill, which would necessarily create controversy. The Government did not wish to aggravate discord, and must justify the proposals. It was useless to conceal the position from ourselves. What had happened in France was not expected. That was why the Government introduced the Bill. Until the commencement of the battle, the balance of forces was not against the Allies, Under these circumstances, the Government as well as the Allied military advisers, believed that if the enemy attacked we ran no danger of anything fatal happening.) Members of the House of Commons were repeatedly asking why we did not exercise the initiative. Even if the Government or the army leaders ought to be changed,, the demand for men remained. Unless we were prepared to face the position we

must prepare to face defeat. A successful offensive against entrenched positions was only possible with, the whole weight of the Allies. The Government had established unity of command, believing- that if the Allies armies were used as one, what was now a dangerous situation might bechanged to advantage. If the enemy faiicd with his present plans, the re- | suit would be most serious for him. Mr. Boner Lawsaid he would consider Mr. Asquith’s suggested maximum age of 48. The Germans would persist, month after month. The Government’s i figures showed that unless the casualties became much heavier, the most critical time would be the end of May, or June. battle lasted another eight months, the men now being recruited w’ould bo availatTle. Therefore, there must be no unnecessary delay. The Government was aware of the inevitable effect on trade' and industry, and had deliberately made up its mind that the risk must be taken, in the face of a greater risk, believing that, it might mean the difference between victory and defeat, If the Government had announced that the life of the nation was at stake, but could not ask Ireland for help, it would have been the end of Home Rule. It was a mistake to suppose that the Government introduced Irish ' conscription as a pious opinion that they intended to carry it out. (Cheers.) It was formerly estimated that Ireland could provide 120,000 men, but the new conditions would give many more. The Government had deliberately weighed the advantages and disadvantages. If wrong the Government should be changed. Mr Bonar Law concluded by inviting the opponents of Irish conscription to oppose the second reading. If they thought the Government was making a mistake, the latter would support ■ any other Government in carrying on the war.

There was an extraordinary scene at the closing of the debate. Sir Auckland Geddes rose to sum up hut the Nationalists shouted “Duke I Duke!” The Speaker vainly appealed for order, the scene lasting a quarter of an hour, though Mr. Dillon appealed to his frinds to allow Sir Auckland Geddes to be heard. Finally Mr. Bonar Daw pointed dut that Mr. Duke' intended to speak ’-on Irish matters. Later, Sir Auckland Geddes said the ariny authorities and the Chief-of the Imperial Staff considered the Bill vitally necessary. There was no alternative except to let their armies down. He was certain that, the Parliament of the country would never do this. ■ ‘ ■ The closure was carried, and Mr. Hpbhouse’s amendment was defeated by 321 to 106, and the Bill was read a second time. •' , The Man-Power Bill Waswead aT second time by 323 to 100. Mr. Hazelton, Irish M.P., interviewed in New York, said the enforcement of conscription in Ireland would spell tragedy and utter disaster. Mr. P. O’Connor declared that conscription would praralyse friends and encourage the bitterest enemies. Such an insane blunder would render futile the best efforts of the Irish leaders everywhere.

VAST NUMBERS OF MEN NEEDED. PREPARING FOE THE WORST. Received 9.10 a.m. LONDON, April 11. x Sir Auckland Geddes, speaking in London, said we were going to require vast numbers of men. He wished he was able to tell the figures, but that would give the enemy most valuable information. He realised the Man Power Bill would mean death and disaster to many industries, but that was a lesser evil than a military disaster. None knew how the battle would end. It might end with the German occupation of the French Channel ports, then we should need a great army In England. CONSCRIPTION IN IRELAND. AMERICAN OPINION. MR. DILLON’S STATEMENT.. Received 10.50 a.m. NEW YORK, April 11. All newspapers discuss conscription in Ireland. The New York Times says if any Irishmen thinks resistance to conscription will find favour in the United States, he is grossly mistaken. It is time the men who talk so much about liberty took part in defending It* The New York World says; If Ireland is to have Home Rule Englishmen have the right to insist that Ireland should not be exempted from conscription.** The "Sun* ’remarks: “It is unbelievable the Irish should prefer German servitude rather than the liberty for which the Allies are fighting.” The “Herald” says the Irish won’t revolt if their politicians leave them alone.

The New York World’s London correspondent interviewed Mr. Dillon, who said if the measure is persisted in Irish settlement becomes impossible. Irish Nationalists will resist the Bill by every means in their powers Both North and South Ireland will solidly oppose conscription, which would have horrible far-reaching consequences. GOVERNMENT’S DECIDED STAND* FEELING IN IRELAND. Received 10.30 a.m. LONDON, April 11. The ever-increasing seriousness of the news from the front disclosed In communiques strongly influenced the Commons over the second reading of the Man-Power Bill. It is evident no one wants to change the Government, still less a generkl election.; So the firmness of Mr. Bonar Law in sticking to the letter of the Bill provides a source of strength to the Government. His direct challenge to the House to throw out the Government if they disapprove of the extension of conscription to Ireland was so bold and uncompromising that it took everybody aback, and touched the imagination of the majority of Commoners,

Mr. Cave was also loudly cheered for saying, “It is said resistance wull be offered by Ireland; if so, the resistance will be overcome.” Mr. Dillon’s speech included an intensely bitter attack dh General Gough, whom he accused of involving the Irish divisions on three separate occasions in disaster. He concluded:' “Irishmen no longer trusted the British Government if conscription was imposed Government would have to hold Ireland for the remaindeT of the war under strict military law.” The Dublin “Telegraph” states: Conscription is the only topic of conversation. It is understood the Sinn Feiners have issued orders to all sections of Irish volunteers regarding action in the event of conscription. Fiery speeches were made at many meetings and public bodies against applying the man power bill to Ireland* Home Rule was not discussed at all. Recruiting authorities are hampered by the fact that there is no register in Ireland. -.A big effort will be necessary to weed out many Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Welshmen, who went to Ireland to escape miitary service. i

OPINION IN FRANCE

Reecived 10.50 a.m. PARIS, April 11. The Military Service Bill has made an excellent impression in France. "Le Temps” says! Britain, like France, has her existence at stake. British patriotism was never more tenacious than in times of trial. The “Journal de Debats”: If the Irish are not possessed of the spirit of madness they ought to accept Home Rule and conscription, and thus enjoy an autonomous regime, and fulfil the Imperial obligation by giving the Allies’ Army 300,000 men. T. P. O’CONNOR’S WARNING. Received 11.45 a.m. NEW YORK, April 11. T. P. O 'Connor, M.P., cables from San Francisco to Mr. Dillon, member of the House of Commons: “Must record solemn warning against conscription in Ireland. It is an insane blunder and will render futile the best efforts of the Irish leaders.