President Wilson’s Address.

Taihape Daily Times, 13 February 1918, Page 5

President Wilson’s Address.

FOE FREEDOMS SAKE.

WILSON’S HISTORIC SPEECH,

WASHINGTON, February 11.

Addressing Congress to-day, President Wilson said that following his and Mr. Lloyd George’s addresses on the subject of war, Count Von Hertliug and Count Czernin had replied on the 24th. He said: It is gratifying to have our desire so promptly relieved that all exchanges of views on this great matter should be. made in the hearing of all the world. Count Czernin’s reply was uttered in a very friendly tone, and, having found in my statement sufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his own Government to justify him in believing it furnishes a basis for more detailed discussion of the purposes by the two Governments to justify him in presented to

have intimated that I knew beforehand his views, but as a matter of fact I had received no intimation. There was no reason why he should communicate with me privately, and I am quite content to be one of his public audience. Count Von Hertling’s speech was vague, confusing and full of equivocal phrases, but it is in a very different tone from Czernin’s and apparently of opposite purpose. It scorns to confirm the unfortunate impression made by which we learned of the Brest Litovsk Conference. :His discussion and acceptance of our general principles lead him to apply to them substantive items. He is jealous of international action and international counsel. Ho accepts the principle of public diplomacy but insists that it shall be confined in this in-

stance to generalities, and wants the particular questions of territory sovereignty discussed and settled severally by the nations most immediately concerned by interest or neighbourhood He agrees that the seas shall be free, but looks askance at any limitation of that freedom by international action in the interest of common order He would be glad to see economic barriers moved between nation and nation as that would in no way impede the ambition of the military party with whom he seems constrained to keep terms! He does not raise objection to the limitation of armaments, but thinks the matter should be settled of itself by the economic conditions which must follow the war. He demands return, without debate, of German colonies. He will discuss only with the Russians what disposition shall be r made of the Baltic provinces and peoples; only with the French the conditions under which French territory shall be eyae? uated, and only with Austria what shall be done with Poland. Regarding the Balkans, he defers to Austria and Turkey, and concerning the non-Turk-ish peoples of the present Ottoman Empire, to the. Turkish authorities themsejv'es. Once all these questions are settled by individual concession and barter, he would have no objection to a League of Nations which would undertake to hold the new balance of power steadily against the external disturbance. However, no peace arrived at in such a fashion can be acceptable to the world. That would be the method of the Congress of Vienna, and we do not intend to return to that period. The peace of the world is at stake. We are striving for a new international order based on the broad universal principles of right and justice no mere peace of shreds and patches. Is it possible that Count Von Hertling does not see, does not grasp it? I s he in fact living in thought in a world dead and gone? Has he forgotten the Reichstag resolutions Of July 19th, or docs he deliberate y ignore them? They spoke of «r on . oral peace, not national aggrandisement or arrangements between State and State. Permanent r> a C e must be attained, and this is not possible unsnirit f Pr ° blemS ar ° dCalt With in a Pint of unselfish, unbiassed justice, a . VIGW to !the wishes, natural connections and racial aspirations, security and peace of mind of the peoples involved rnv * a ‘ lhe T cannot be disaffoct ® eparately in COr ners. but they Tocb all mankind and must be so rcforce if N ° thing SCttl ° d by mi litary all Th T f Uled Wron S, is settled at to J r tGd StatGS did not as IT" 6 - 111 EUT ° Pean affairs °r act' rmtes Euro P ean territorial dissh w k ° Cntcrccl this w ar because he was made a partner in the snfferJ* dignities inflicted by the the DP 7 maSt ° rS of Germany against men nd ar r Urity ° £ All court of , n ° W s P eakln & in the resolutions jf *** B ° ichstng ion. Jl July acce Pted the decisof that Court. The conditions of r:: t 1 touch th ° unitcd tin a^, aS thcy touc h each other nan which is entrusted with a leading | part m tao maintenance of civilisa--ICII‘ cannot see a wav to ! tMJ Until the causes of war are removed and its renewal made as nearly as may be Impossible. The war had its roots In the disregard of the rights of small

nations and nationalities, which lacked union and force to make good their right and determination. It is now necessary for a covenant to be entered into for the future to ensure these rights for small nations and if, as Count von Hercliag proposes, territorial settlements and the po’itical relations of great populations are to be determined by the contracts of powerful Governments, why not economic questions also? Justice and the rights of peoples affect the whole field of International dealing as much as access to raw materials and equal conditions of trade. Count von Hertliug wants the essential bases of commercial and •industrial life to he safeguarded by common agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect that to be conceded him if the other articles of peadS are not handled in the same way. He cannot ask the benefit of a common agreement in the one field without according if in the other. Count von Czernin seems to see the fundamental elements of peace with clear eyes, and he docs not seem to obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland is a matter of European concern; that Belgium must be evacuated and restored; that national aspirations must be satisfied, even with his own Empire, in the common interest of Europe and mankind. He is naturally silent about questions touching the interest and purpose of his allies, because he feels constrained, I "Strppose, to defer to Turkey and Germany in the circumstances, hut he feels that Austria can respond to the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States with less embarrassment than could Germany. He would probably have gone further, but for the embarrassments of Austria’s alliances and the dependence on Germany. After all, the test of whetner it I? possible for either Governments to go further in the comparison of views, is simple and obvious, the principles being these;—

(1) Each part of the final settlement must be based oh the essential justice of that particular case, and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring permanent peace. (2) That peoples , and provinces must not be bartered about as if mere ■chattel!? aUd--pahvns in a game, even the great “game, 5 now forever discredited,, of the balance of power but : : (3) That, every ...territorial settle-, meat involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned and not as an adjustment or compromise by rival States.

(4) That all well-defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing or perpetuating discord and antagonism that shall be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and the world in general'

Peace on such foundations can b« discussed. Until then we have no choice but' to go. on. The principles are now universally recognised, except by the military and annexationist party in Germany. We entered this war upon no small occasion. "We can never turn back from the course chosen upon principles. . Our resources are partly mobilised; we shall not pause until they are mobilised in their entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fighting front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put into this war or emancipation.’ Having set our hand to the task of achieving a new order, under which reason, justice and the common interest of mankind shall prevail, we shall not turn back. 1 have thus spoken that the whole world may know the spirit of America; that our pahsion for justice and lelf-government is no mere passion o' words, hut a passion which, once set in action, must be satisfied. The power of the United States will neve? be used in .aggression or for aggrandisement of any selfish interest of our own period; it springs out of freedom, and is for the service of freedom.

NEWSPAPERS COMMENTS,

Received 9.35

NEW YORK, Feb. 12,

The New York Times says President Wilson’s address should convince the German people that the military autocracy is the sole obstacle of peace.

The Herald says unless the Central Powers acecp't the road to peace which Mr. Wilson has outlined, wo will continue the war whatever the cost The Tribune remarks that such a public discussion of the war aims signalises the end of secret diplomacy. Newspapers all over the country laud the moral grandeur, consummate skill, and unanswerable logic of the address.