WILSON’S GREAT SPEECH

Taihape Daily Times, 10 January 1918, Page 5

WILSON’S GREAT SPEECH

ALLIES’ WAR AIMS STATED. Plain Facts to Germany. The President’s Ideal World. isputes to be Settled by International Tribunals.

Helping Russia to New Manhood.

President Wilson’s Speech.

tention of the resolutions of the German Reichstag of ninth July last, with the spirit and intention of the Liberal leaders and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and defy that spirit 1 and intention, and insisted upon conquest and subjugation? Or are we listening in fact to both, unreconciled in their open and hopeless contradictions? These are very serious, pregnant questions, and upon the answer to them depends the peace of the world. But whatever the results of the parleys at Brest Litovsk, whatever the conclusion, counsel and the purpose in the utterances of the spokesmen of the Central Empires might be, th«y again attempted to acquaint the world with their objects of the war, and again challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are and what sort of settlement they consider just and satisfactory. There is not good reason why that challenge 'should not be responded to with the .utmost candour, We did hot wait, for it once, but again and • again. We laid all our thoughts : and purposes before the World), not in general terms only, but make it clear what sort of definitive each time, with sufficient definition to terms a-settlement must necessarily spring out of. Within the last week ' Mr. Lloyd George had spoken with admirable candour, and spirit for the people and the Government of Britain. There is no confusion, -Of counsel among the, adversaries of the Central Bowers; no uncertainty of principle, no: vagueness of detail, . only secrecy of counsel, only lack of fearless frank r statement of the objects of- the war, ness, only failure to make ; .a definite lies with Germany and her allies. The issues of life and death hang upon these definitions. No statesman ..who has the least conception of his responsibility ought for a. moment to permit himself to continue this tragical outpouring of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond peradventure that the objects of the vital sacrifices are part and parcel of the very life of society, and that the people for whom he speaks, think of them as right and imperative as he does. There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of principle and purpose, which seems to me more thrilling, many moving voices with which the troubles of the air or the world is filled, namely, the voice of the Russian people. They are prostrate, ill, but hopeless before the grim power of Germany. Yet their scoul is not subervient. They will not yield either in principle or action. Their conception of what is right or what is human or too horrible for them to accept has been stated with frankness, largeness of view, generosity of spirit, and a universal human sympathy, which mi*st (the admiration of every friend of mankind. They refused to confound their ideals or desert others that they themselves may be safe. They call to us to say what we desire and in what our purpose and spirit differs from (theirs. I (believe the people of the United States would wish me to respond with utter simplicity Jand (frankness. -'Whether present leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may jjpe 'opened /wherehfy we are privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace. It will be our wish jand (purpose that the process of peace when began shall be absolutely open and permit hence forth no secret mmorstnndmjrs of anv kind The day of conquest, and aggrandisement has gone; also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular Governments, which might at some unlooked for moment upset the peace of the world. We entered 'this war £ecau!se violations of rights occurred which touched us to quick and made the life of our people impossible unless corrected and the world secured once and for all against their recurrence. Why ws

PRESIDENT’S WILSON’S MESSAGE.

PEACE NEGOTIATIONS DISCUSSED.

NEW YORK, January 9.

President Wilson delivered the folwiag message to Congress: Once more, as repeatedly before, e spokesman of the Central Powers as indicated a desirq to discuss the jjects of the war, and a possible isis of general peace. Parleys have sen in progress at Brest Litovsk besreen representatives of the Central owers, and Russians, to which the atndance of all the belligerents was vited, for the purpose of aseertaing whether it was possible whethre was possible to extend the parleys to a general- -(conference WvjLtih peird to terriis 1 tff |>eace and settlement, he Russian ' presented )t only a - perfectly* definite stateent of the ; principles upon- which ey are ■Ming to conclude peace, but so an iequally definite programme r the concrete application of those inciples. The representatives of the sntral Powers presented an - outline a settlement which, if much less dinite, seeihed ? susceptible, of liberal terpretation "until their specific prd■amme of practical' terms was added, hat programme ' proposed no Coneesons either to the sovereignty of Rus-

a or the presence of the populations ith whose fortunes it dealt, but eant that the Central Empires were keep every foot of territory their med forces had occupied—every •ovince, every city, every point of intage—as a permanent addition to teiv territories and power. (It was asonable to conjecture that the cenal principles of settlement which ey first suggested originated with ie more liberal statesmen of Gerany and ‘Austria—men who had bem to feel the force of their own topic’s thought and purpose, while e concrete terms of the actual settleent came from the military leaders, ho had no thought but to keep what e y had got. Negotiations have been oken off. The Russian representaves were sincere and in earnest. They »uld not entertain such proposals of inquest aijd domination. The whole cident was full of significance, also ill of! “With wh)om,’ ’ ked the'President, “are the Russian presentatives dealing? For whom e the representatives of the Central owers speaking? Are they speaking r the majorities in the respective irliaments or the minority parties? ie military are the Imperialist minity which so far have ddminated eir whole policy and controlled the fairs of Turkey and the Balkan .ates which felt obliged to become elr associates in this war.”

CENTRAL POWERS’ LACK OP FRANKNESS RUSSIA’S PROSTRATE BEFORE GERMANY. THE TRAGICAL OUTPOURING OF BLOOD. Received 8.50. WASHINGTON, January 9. President Wilson continuing said:— issia’s representatives insisted, very stly and very wisely, in the true irit of modern democracy, that e - conferences they were holding th the Teutonic'and Turkish states;n held open not closed ors, and alt the world had been the dience, as was desired. To whom ve we been listening? To those who eak in the spirit and with the in-

came into this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves, it is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation, which, like qur own wishes to live its own life between its own institutoim.

If assured of jutsice ani fair dealing by other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression, all peoples would in effect be partners In this interest, and for our own part, we see very clearly that unless justice is done to others it will not be done to us. The programme of the world’s peace, therefore, is our programme. That programme is the only possible programme as wj see it. It is this open covenant of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be* no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly" in public view. There must be absolute freedom of navigation of the sea outside territorial waters, alike in peace and war, except as seas may be closed in whole or part by internaiio ml action for the enforcement, of international covenants. Removal as far as possible of all economic barriers and the establishment of equality of trade conditions among all nations consenting to peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. Adequate guarantees to be given and taken that national armaments be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. A free, open-minded, absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict ob servation of the principle that in determining all such questions the sovereignty interests of the populations ,concerned must have equal weight with equal claims of government, whose title is to be determined. Evacuation of all Russian territory. Such a settlement of all questions affecting 'Russia as will secure the best and freest' co-operation of other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for an independent determination of her own political development, qnd- national policy, and assure her a sincere welcome:into the society of free nations- under institutions of her own choosing;,She .also should be given assistance,,of every hind she may need -The - treatment ■ awarded Russia .by her sister in * the months to come (Will be the- afcid • test of their goodwill Comprehension of .her: needs as distinguished I from their own interests. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations, s No q|her single act will serve as this to restore the .confidence among nations 'in the laws which they themselves set and determined for the government of their;.relations wlih one another. Without this, healing act the whole structure and validity of international law. will forever, be imAll French territory should be: freed; and .invaded portions restored The wrong done to France by Russia in Alsace-Lorraine, which unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace once more be made readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along cleanly recognisable lines of nationality. The people of Austria and Hungary whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be acorded the freest opportunity for autonomous development. Roumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be and the occupied territories restored. Serbia should be accorded free and secure access to the sea, and the relations of the several Balkan States determined by friendly council along historically established lines or allegiance and nationality, and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be entered into. Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured of secure sovereignty, but other nationalities now under Turkish rule shbulu'l)ensured of undoubted security of life and absolutely unmolested opportunity for autonomous development. The Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a passage for the ships of commerce of all nations under international guarantee. An Independent Polish State should be erected, which will include territories inhaTJTted by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured free and secure access to the sea, whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by an international covenant. A general association of nations must be Termed under specific covenants for The purpose of affording mutual guki%ttees of politcal independence and territorial integrity to great and small States alike. In regard to these essential rectifications and wrongs and assertions of right, we feel ourselves the intimate partners of all governments and peoples associated together against Imperialistic aggression. We cannot be separated in interest or

divided in purpose; we stand together until the end for such arrangements and covenants. We are willing to fight and will continue to . fight until they are achieved; hut only because we wish right to prevail and desire just and stable peace, such "Ss be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war. which this programme does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness; there is nothing in this programme that impairs it We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning, 01 pacific enterprise such as made her record a very bright and enviable one. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her, either with arms dr hostile arrangements of trade, if she is willing to associate herself with us ana the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants based on justice, law, and fair dealing. W 6 wish her only to accept a place of equality among the people of the world the new world —in which we now live, instead of a place of mastery. Neither do wc presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions; but it is necessary prelimtfrankly say 'as a necessary preliminary to intelligent dealing with her on our part, that we should know whom her .spokesmen speak for when they speak to us. Whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and men whose creed is Imperial domination. We have spoken now 4 in terms too concrete to add any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole programme outlined: The principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they strong or weak. Unless this principle is made its foundation, no part struggle for international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act on no other principle, and to vindicate this principle they are ready to devote their lives, honour, and everything they possess. The moral climax of this, the culminating final war for human liberty, has come. They are ready to put their own strength, their now highest purposes, and their own integrity and devotion to the-test.

AN OPEN ;I|EACE. rv/a- • r - V' j j . ■ ; ( WITH ARMAMENT REDUCTION. WASHINGTON, Jan. 8. M Mr Wilson, in the course of, > u his speech fo Congress, demanded- open peace agreements, trade equalitjr-,- guaranteed armarrtent ,(reduction) andj peiterated Mr. Lloyd George’s speech iri niany of its .essentials. ::rr.. .-r AMERICAN , r OPINION. WILSON’S, GREATEST DOCUMENT. Received 9.20. WASHINGTON, Jan 8. Congresmen and officials agree the main purpose of the message is to bind Russia to the Allies. America’s sympathy for Russia may turn the balance in the Allies’ favour. Mr Gerard describes it as the greatest document President Wilson has produced, and should have a marked effect on the people of force the German Government to reply.

Mr Penfield says the speech will win many waverers in Austria.

The New York Times comments on the speech as a masterly statement, but emphasises the first condition of peace must be the downfall of Prussian militarism. Lloyd George’s statement regarding Alsace is inadequate, and President Wilson supplies the Alsace must be returned to France The paper adds: “Now our war aims are stated, let us combine al lour resources for fighting the Germans.’ *

The New York Tribune says the President’s message is beyond praise. It is a second Emancipation Declaration, and represents the aims of a hundred million people. To-day, as never before, the entire nation marches with the President.

The New York World says it is an invitation to the Reichstag to assert its power. It voices the Allies’ views after conference by cable. President Wilson wisely refuses to abandon the Russian people to German intrigue.

The New York Herald declares the Russian people must understand the message, which will test the sincerity of Trotsky and I/enin. Now is a unique opportunity for the German Socialists to deal with the Junkers.

Professor Elliott, in the “World,” emphasises that Australasia will not consent to return the colonies. It is in America’s interests that the colonies be not restored because the task of enforcing peace would be more difficult if Germany is able to create fortified ports and depots in the Pacific, Africa and Asia