SOCIALISM AND WAR
RESULTS OF THE PRL -.-NT CONFLICT. EXIT KAISER: ENTER AIT üBLIG (By VICTOR L. BEYER, Ini. -national Socialist Leader). This world war can have only one effect nnon the Socialist movement of the world, and that is to strengthen it immediately. It is true that the International Socialist movement failed to stop this war With the Socialists of Europe it was always an axiom that they would fight if their country was attacked —that they would fight in defence of their homes and families.
It has been sTd by some that the German Social-Democrats should have made a revolution, or should have declared a general strike instead of going to war.
Nov. - , revolutions cannot be made at will, tney grow, and the time evidently bad not come for that. At best, the Socialists would have made the Czar the art-ter of Germany and the saviour of the Kaiser from the Social Democrats, because I am sure that in the case of a German revolution the Czar would at once put his armies at th e disposal of his first cousin, the Kaiser, to defend the estate of the,family.
International peace is a dream impossible of realisation as long as there is on e great nation left in the world that is not absolutely under Socialist control. For any nation to-da^’ - to disarm absolutely as some of our pacifists propose, would mean to put I hat nation on a level with China. The war of 1914 is a nationalist
war, a militarist war, and a capitalist war. Her ever, it is not a war of democracy against German Imperialism. Such a war could not possibly include Russia, and Servia and Japan as champions of democracy. It is a war for world power
The first result of it unquestionably will not be the strengthening of democracy, of freedom, and of enlightenment, Civilisation and culture will undoubtedly suffer for a time, no matter which side wins.
Tli e German Junkers and the Conservative groups of Germany are already deducing as the main lesson of this war that the monarchy must be rmde stronger and parliamentisra abolish'd. and that the authority of the vuline: classes and of the church must be enlarged. They say that this war has proved the necessity of all that, and also the Junkers were right in asking that the army he the paramonm institution of Germany. Trd'ubtcdlr the Social Democratic In Germany and in Franca will to much weakened by the war—at first. For some time, especially in France, the anarchist movement, will flourish to a. 'treat•»- do.grp« than ever before, and there will he many acts of violence. However, while a certain amount of acidity and radicalism will he natural after this war and will be excusable and necessary, anarchism will not flourish in Germany. Anarchism will soon be overcome,
and the Social Democratic party will emerge greater and more powerful than ever before. Social Democracy within a few years will have the majority of the German people behind it. Then will follow the overthrow of the Kolienaollern dynasty, the abolition of the feudal aristocracy, and the establishment of a. democratic republic in Germany—not necessarily a Socialist republic, but anyway a commonwealth much more democratic than the American. Ail the European republics will naturally gravitate together and form a United States of Europe, containing central and western Europe at first, but later also the southern European nations All this may happen within the next thirty years. It will happen through the agency and action of the Socialist party, which will emerge as the greatest political factor in Europe. RESOLUTIONS BY SOCIALISTS IN LONDON. About forty well known Socialists, representative of the movement in England, France, Belgium, and Russia, met in conference under the presidency of Mr Keir Hardie, M.P., in the hail of the British Tin Smelters’ and Kindred Trades Union, and passed rechdicns bearing on the war, its'causes its effect on international Socialism and the policy to be advocated when peace is secured. The first resolution described the conflict as a “product of the antagonisms which tear asunder capitalist society and of the policy of colonial dependencies and aggressive Imperialism.” It expressed th e view that “victory for German Imperialism would be the defeat and the destruction of democracy and liberty in Europe. The Socialists of Great Britain and Belgium and France and Russia do not pursue the political and economic crushing of Germany and Austria, but only with the Governments of those countries, by which they are oppressed. They demand that Belgium shall be liberated and compensated, they desire that the question of Poland should be settled in accordance with the wishes of thePolish people, either in the sense of autonomy, in the midst of another State, or in that, of complete independence. While inflexibility resolved to fight until victory is achieved, the Socialists are none the less resolved to resist any attempt to transform this defensive war into a war of conquest. Tbs victory of the Allied Power.: must be a victory for popular liberty, ter unity, in <1 open dense, and autonomy c' the nations in the peaceful Foderatior of the ’"U-r. - states of Europe and Pm World.” TP-. - -rj-d resolution stated that: •‘On Gw- r--'nclusion of the war the , me classes of all the industrial 'o uni He. must, rnitd in order to supdiplomacy. to put an end ! o the interests of militarism and fh.-.«“ of the armament makers, and establish some international authority to settle points of differnee nations by compulsory conciliation and arbitration.” Th e third was a protest “against the arrest of the Deputies of the Duma, against the suppression of Russian
Socialist newspapers and the condemnation of their editors, as well as against the oppression of Fins, Jews and Russian and German Poles..”
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Taihape Daily Times, Volume 7, Issue 199, 1 May 1915, Page 3
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967SOCIALISM AND WAR Taihape Daily Times, Volume 7, Issue 199, 1 May 1915, Page 3
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