U.S.E. AND THE DOMINIONS

Sun (Auckland), Volume IV, Issue 976, 20 May 1930, Page 8

U.S.E. AND THE DOMINIONS

AMONG a host of difficulties—political, economic and purely national—that face the sponsors of a United States of Europe, is the problem of British participation. As “The Times” has observed in a summing-up of the present and admittedly nebulous situation, the Mother Country, as the headquarters of a world-wide Empire, may feel unable to enter because her Dominions are excluded. This is but one instance of the alterations in perspective which become necessary when statesmen turn from the dreams of M. Briand for a United Europe to the harsher but more practical outlines of reality. Furthermore it must not be forgotten that _ the French dreamer himself has been shrewd enough and cautions enough to offer others the task of materialising his visions. M. Briand has revived an idea, but he has not submitted a project. In making the initial suggestion he has heightened French diplomatic prestige by establishing France at the pivotal point of the discussions, thereby gaining for her much popular credit. Yet he is clever enough to pause at the threshold of reality and, with native politeness, bow his contemporaries through the door. So far the proposals for a United States of Europe have never been properly defined. In point of fact they do not even exist in concrete form, though it has been loosely suggested that a political alliance should be followed by the creation of a central, executive council with its headquarters, say, in France. There are those who insist that it should confine itself to the economic sphere; others, with an eye to commercial advancement, would be content with the declaration of a tariff “holiday.” A few see in it a means of sweeping tariffs aside, thus reviving the dead and buried "tariff truce” proposal. Again there are those who would organise and consolidate Europe as a vast production centre. And there are the seekers after permanent peace who see in a United Europe a powerful ally to the League of Nations, and a firm answer to such hotheads as Mussolini, cannon and bayonet worshipper. Finally, there are the diplomatic cynics who refrain from taking the proposals seriously—who foresee merely another centre for smooth juggling and meaningless assurances. One thing, however, is certain: a genuine uniting of European nations would cut sharply against the whole practice of alliances and ententes, thus opening the way for fuller and franker negotiations between,governments.' This is perhaps the most attractive feature of M. Briand’s dream. During future negotiations diplomats will be welcomed and feted by a hopefully hospitable French Government, but Britain must "move slowly and with caution. Her Dominions are vitally interested in any questions of tariff harriers and economic adjustments, while her entire well-being is dependent upon internal political harmony. A United Empire is more essential to British well-being than a United Europe,