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Forty Years a Liberal

LIFE STORY OF SIR JOSEPH WARD From Telegraph Messenger to Prime Minister By R. A. LOUGHNAN (Copyright — Sun Feature Service) ENTERING Parliament in 1887-, Sir Joseph Ward is a veteran among contemporary statesmen and his career is traced and described in this series of articles by R. a. Loughnan for readers of The Sun.

Tho Conference had, of course, had | ample notice, and was well prepared j for the discussion of the proposal. It . was aware, too, that Sir Joseph s idea ; had considerable support in the Brit- j ish Parliament. The president had j communicated to the Conference a memorandum signed some weeks before the meeting of the Conference by a large number of members of the House of Commons, in these terms: “We, the undersigned members of Parliament representing the various political parties, are of opinion that the time has arrived to take practical steps to associate the overseas Dominions in a more permanent maimer with the conduct of Imperial | affairs, if possible by means of an i established representative Council of an advisory character in touch with public opinion throughout the Empire.” This memorandum of the Parliamentarians and Sir Joseph s formal suggestions were, of course, independent in their respective origins. But the two were practically together in the conclusion that some action was immediately necessary. In his comment later on, Mr. Asquith said to the Conference it was much easier to express an abstract aspiration in favour of closer political union than to translate that aspiration into practical terms. AN IMPERIAL COUNCIL That is the very translation which Sir Joseph was attempting with the resolution he offered to the Conference when he moved: “That the Empire has now reached a stage of Imperial development which renders it expedient that there should be an Imperial Council of State with representatives from all the self-governing parts of the Empire in theory and in fact advisory to the Imperial Government on all questions affecting the interests of his Majesty’s Dominions • overseas.” He began -with the reminder that Mr. Joseph Chamberlain had, when Secretary of State for the Colonies, invited suggestions of this sort from the overseas Dominions. He then supported his resolution on the following grounds: (1) Imperial unity. (2) Organised Imperial welfare. (3) The equal distribution of the burden of defence throughout the Empire. <

(4) The representation of selfgoverning oversea Dominions in an Imperial Parliament of defence for the purpose of determining peace or war, the contributions to Imperial defence, foreign policy so far as it affects the Empire, international treaties so far as they affect the Empire, and such other Imperial matters as might be by agreement transferred to such Parliament. He dwelt on the growth of the oversea white population, now thirteen millions, and sure to expand into powerful nations with an aggregate population probably greater in 25 years than that of Great Britain. TIES OF SENTIMENT At present these Dominions were bound to the Empire by sentiment—a very strong tie truly—but these countries in this connection were acquiring cosmopolitan elements, which might weaken the sentimental bond. In this estimate of increased population in the next quarter century Sir Joseph placed New Zealand as capable “in the opinion of well qualified men” of carrying 40,000,000 people with comparative ease and comfort. But population was not the sole factor to be considered—otherwise China would have to be given first place in the world. The qualities of the people, the capacity of the territory and the area available for expansion had to be considered. Migration within the Empire would be necessary for various reasons. And “its development could only be carried out successfully if, as a pre-essential, an Imperial scheme were arrived at by an Imperial Council.” He, of course, “recognised the enormous difficulties,” but it was, he insisted, necessary to strengthen the “crimson thread of kinship,” to use this phrase of Sir Henry Parker, of the New South Wales, of long ago. He touched the argument of “the bundle of sticks,” instancing Germany as weak when a country of many States, but to-day a union of States a very formidable Power. The same applied to the United States of America, and to South Africa. Mr. Asquith interjecting that all these instances consisted of continuous territory surrounded, so to speak, by a ring-fence, Sir Joseph promptly answered that “there was no parallel in the world for the position occupied by the British Empire to-day, but tlie fact of our being separated by sea did not in any way minimise the necessity sett . lin S a pressing problem. The difficulties, of course, were enormous; so also, however, were the difficulties which confronted the attempt to form the American States into a Union, but these had brilliantly been overcome. STREAM OF MIGRATION Reverting to migration, he drew a mighty contrast. One of the leading nations of Europe had just succeeded in stopping the stream of emigration of its people from 26 per 1,000 in 1894 to 4 per 1,000 to-day. The United Kingdom, on the other hand, which in 1«94 exported only 9 per 1.000, “had risen to the alarming number of 40 per 1,000. Between 1902 and 1907 ” ne added “the increase in the numbers of men leaving England for others cent 1 ”” 68 ’ largely foreign, was 61 per

Under a proper system, he rr. eluded strongly, he believed a W. proportion of that 61 per\eent. wout xiave gone to British countries. Coming to details, he said that ih* question of defence was the m os . important of all the Imperial qq t V. tions. He would therefore prefer call his Imperial Council an “ImpprParliament of Defence.” The consisted of a group of free nation, and the day for a partnership in perial affairs had arrived. “On Srhabasis?” he asked. Not the present 7lationship, because, as he said with convincing force, "no partnership 7served the name which did not gj Te the partners some voice in the a a -. agemeut. With separate Dominion fleets there could be no work. What was necessary was an Imperial organisation.” This his suggested Imperial Council would supph “No doubt all parts of the Emp7 could carry out the conditions require for effective land forces, and for tb e protection from the interior of the?' respective territories. New Zealanc for instance, would shortly have a mobile land force of 80,000 trainee men. But the naval defence of the Empire as a whole was a matter o! the first consequence to all parts, o' the Empire, and that was why he looked forward to the possibility ■ co-ordination and co-operation in order to provide a more powerful oversea navy than could at present exist. Thresult of a proper Imperial unity between the Motherland and all oversea Dominions would probably be ; secure the peace of the world for gen erations to come. EMPIRE DEFENCE He passed to more detailed defic; tion. For the general purposes described under the fourth heads (aboTe noted), the five Dominions would elect an Imperial House of Representative.; for Defence, the representation for every 200,000 of their respectiv populations—white; giving represents tives of: Canada 27 Australia 2i South Africa 7 New Zealand 2 71 By similar election basis the Unitec Kingdom would have 220 members a House of 291, with tenure of five years. The five Dominions and tt; Mother Country would elect the Ic perial Council of Defence, each eler ing two representatives. Mr. Asquith descended on the wee point with a strong interjection: “0: the Council of 12 the United Kingdom would have two representatives an: the Dominions ten.” Sir Joseph explained that the fuc tions of this Council would be limited, and mainly consultative and advisor He added that there would be executive of not more than 15 mer bers. And to That Parliament won. be transferred exclusively those ters common to the whole Empire, rcluding the provision of the necessa: revenues, but without the power : the first 10 years of imposing tax: tion; the amount payable by of the oversea Dominions should >■ taken to be a debt due by them. Afc 10 years the amount should be rai*' : in such manner as agreed by 2 respective Dominions, under the u cumstances a most reasonable propose When the explaining voice finish the constitutional definition it a into a formidable difficulty, thus:— “This proposal presupposed a F eral system of Government in & United Kingdom, or a complete ‘ tem of local autonomy for the natio:divisions of the United that all portions of the Empire wos--be in a similar position in- - Obviously the new thing was g: - to involve a tremendous lot of '- in planning and devising. .. course, implied that the suggeFt. was intended primarily for discus' 1 of all the aspects of a great questiorather than for debate with a i* of immediate practical establish®':This fact, judging by the speecmade about Sir Joseph’s does not seem to have been rear-' - by the Conference. AN OVERSEAS FLEET Then followed the proposal torioverseas fleet, to do mostly a 1. all, the work of the overseas of the Empire. A ven' remar proposal in a very brief stated®“On the basis of 1 3,000,000 people in the overseas Dominiona head would provide £6,soo,oWannum. For this sum three ' noughts at two millions eac r. be built. If instead of wain, years to put the oversea Doming a position of supreme invulneratn and of absolute safety v point of view, if it was decide i L matter of policy to borrow the ** ; sary money, 25 of these vessels • millions each, or fifty millions s borrowed on a basis of *> V& including a 3 per cent, sinking could be repaid in 15 years. • And he explained that the .. \ fund would be sufficient to re P : ships when approaching obs ° Ajp He further explained that tn ~ : tive would be responsible to perial Parliament of Defence, - the United Kingdom would * far the greater representation. This brought the peroration. , | ' dignified, modest persistence, 1 original, comprehensive * ofe ’ great democracies in the Dominions were expected, a bcr so, to take their share in . oQ | that might ensue, in COIU1 1 !l| ta jg f ** t any war in which Great r engaged, and they were l matter of right to have s or /.. i even though they were | n 85 *- l upon some such ° rganisa hn( jy j had suggested. Such a£• x not be brought about in a tfc* j j he had no hesitation m - s j:- j ) the future would call for - j » institution which would mt--5 solidarity of the Empire pe*'l , and consequently to secu k r of the world.” ■ (To be continued daw’ B

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/SUNAK19290417.2.22

Bibliographic details

Sun (Auckland), Volume III, Issue 640, 17 April 1929, Page 2

Word Count
1,769

Forty Years a Liberal Sun (Auckland), Volume III, Issue 640, 17 April 1929, Page 2

Forty Years a Liberal Sun (Auckland), Volume III, Issue 640, 17 April 1929, Page 2

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