The Sun. 42 WYNDHAM STREET, AUCKLAND SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1928 REFORM DALLIES IN SURRENDER

Sun (Auckland), Volume II, Issue 520, 24 November 1928, Page 8

The Sun. 42 WYNDHAM STREET, AUCKLAND SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1928 REFORM DALLIES IN SURRENDER

FERE never is any pleasure in the forfeit of power. So, naturally, the Reform Prime Minister, like the rich young man in the parable, finds it hard politically to give up all his great possessions. - Instead of tendering the resignation of the Government without a moment’s delay, thus taking the shortest cut to administrative security and progress as the country’s greatest immediate needs, Mr. Coates has decided upon advising the Governor-General to summon the new Parliament to meet on Tuesday, December 4, for extraordinary business. It may be the right thing to do, but it looks like doing the right thing in the wrong way. The Prime Minister’s decision represents dalliance in surrender and, in the opinion of many people, as in our own, who are more concerned about the vital work of the State than about the manoeuvring of rival parties for position, is not in the best interests of the country. It is claimed that, since no party alone has a clear majority in the House of Representatives, the constitutional course is to call Parliament together as soon as possible, in order that the position may be tested. That claim obviously rests on a shallow foundation. Can it be contended seriously that there really is any need of a quick Parliamentary test whieh, though certain to prove a fact that already has been definitely and ruthlessly demonstrated by discontented electors, must delay the more important test as to whether the succeeding Administration will be able to summon Parliament to essential work? »Such a contention falls under the first common-sense attack upon it. The Government, as well as everybody else, knows quite well that the country as a whole has counted it out. So the extraordinary session early next month will do nothing more than confirm the electors’ decision against the Reform Government. The test merely will be an empty, but expensive, formality. After the appointment of the Speaker (in all probability Sir Charles Statham will be re-elected, unless intrigue and party embarrassment occasion a surprise), the new Parliament doubtless will waste eight or 10 days and squander a lot of public money on debating a no-confidence motion with a foregone conclusion, and in giving tongue to party rancour and recrimination. And when everything that everybody now knows has been said with tedious repetition, the shattered Government, minus four Ministers, its chief Whip, and its Chairman of Committees, will be voted out. Is there any sense in adopting that procedure on the specious plea that it is the constitutional course to adopt? Ordinarily, a defeated Ministry at the polls seeks a Parliamentary test of parties only when it has reason to believe that a. thin minority may be transformed into a simple majority at least by the practice of the alluring wiles in the game of party politics. But there is no hope at all of the Reform Administration securing a working majority in that way. Indeed, it would require an exercise of the strange gift of a Pied Piper to lure into the Reform trap the requisite number of political rodents. Now that the Prime Minister has been ill-advised enough to dally in surrender, the country must accept the prospect of an unconscionable delay in establishing dependable administration and in breaking-in a new Parliament, including an extraordinarily high proportion of raw colts to hard work. Sir Joseph Ward has made it definitely plain that lie intends to make full use of his certain opportunity of forming a Ministry. And it may be inferred that he has the four Independents in the United bag. He will demand ample time for the purpose of establishing the United Administration. In all probability Parliament will adjourn in December till the following June. If not, why hold a test session in December? It would be an unpardonable extravagance to hold another similar session in February to prove whether or no Sir Joseph Ward could command a working majority. Conditions may be serious in the country if the United Administration is in office for six months without decisive Parliamentary strength behind it. In such circumstances, would the leader and his inexperienced Cabinet be able, without the aid and authority of Parliament, to avoid the fulfilment of his own preelection prediction that, if the United Party were not returned, there would be over 30,000 unemployed in New Zealand before next winter? It looks as if the silver lining in the Reform sky will become dark clouds in the United political firmament. Then Sir Joseph Ward has declared emphatically that, in no circumstances, could there be a fusion between the Uniteds and Reform. They cannot become as brothers, though they may yet be seen tolerating each other as distant cousins, friendly enough to keep from hurtful quarrels. Must it be inferred that the United Party will have to form an unholy alliance with Labour? The Liberals have been everything throughout their adversity in recent years, but surely they would not go so far as to become pink Socialists. One never knows what may happen in party polities. Power is a sweet temptation. Meanwhile, the new Parliament will take part in exciting cat-and-mouse politics.

THE QUIET CORNER