Churchill the Hero

Sun (Auckland), Volume II, Issue 382, 16 June 1928, Page 23

Churchill the Hero

BRITISH POLITICAL DRAMA

Beaverbrook s Lively Memoirs

HERALDED by newspaper and poster advertising unprecedented even for a book by a lord of the press, Baron Beaverbrook’s "Politicians and the War,” from which extracts are appearing in his newspapers, is enlivening a time of deadly political dullness in London and causing heated controversy, says the correspondent of the “San Francisco Chronicle.” Beaverbrook, in his installments thus far published, gives much new detail concerning the inside of the political crises in England from the beginning of the war to the formation of Asquith’s Coalition government in 1915. As a contribution to history the book is clearly important, but its interest to contemporary politicians lies largely in their belief that Beaverbrook is seeking to advance or depress the fortunes of war statesmen still in party harness.

Downfall of Asquith Thus far, the hero of these memoirs . C ),urchill, who comes out in even •tore glowing colours than he does ja Ms own book, which is saying a

lot Lloyd George on the contrary, •hough given full credit for his muniions efforts, can scarcely be happy at •he story of how he proposed neutrality in July. 1914, even if the Germans invade a corner of Belgium. How Max Aitken. as he was before y was made a peer, a young Canadian nsancier, came to be behind the s.enes and able to make the notes •rom which he has written this book, sould be a remarkable story in itself, hut the story is not here told. Beaverbrook's remarkable war career was ertainly chiefly due to his intimate, a most lifelong friendship with Anile* Bonar Law., at the opening of ,he war the leader of the Tory party. Through Bonar Law, Max Titken berime friendly with Birkenhead, Churchill and other leaders in public life. The downfall of the Asquith Coalition and its supplanting by Lloyd (ieorge in 1916 has been credited by rumour for a decade to Beaverbrook’s nulling of strings behind the scenes, and his chapters on this period, not vet issued, are those that political London awaits with greatest interest. Quarrel with Sea Lord

Due historical myth Birkenhead has already destroyed, and his evidence is convincing. There happened to be a quarrel in May, 1915, over a shortage of high explosive shell in France, which led to a campaign against the Government by the Northcliffe press and after a few days of this Asquith ended his Liberal Ministry and called the Tories into partnership. This shell scandal” ever since has been credited by nearly everybody, including Northcliffe and even Churchill, who was First Lord of the Admiralty at the time, with bringing down the Government. Beaverbrook states, and proves by publication of a letter from Bonar Law to Asquith, that the shell shortage had nothing to do with the crisis at this time.

How closely political secrets are sometimes kept in England is shown by the story now told for the first time in detail of the sensational quarrel between Churchill and the first Sea Lord, the doughty old Lord Fisher, which led to Fisher throwing 'JP his job a few days before the German fleet came out for battle and departed for Scotland, leaving the navy without an administrative head. Nevertheless, the Tories, who hated Churchill and adored Fisher, used the incident to get Churchill out of high 'fflee, Bonar Law’s letter threatening an attack on the Government in the lommons at a moment when Italy 'as on the verge of entering the war Pmpell?d Asquith to jettison Churchwhese fate was imparted to him »f Beaverbrook himself at the Admir, t! ‘ Through the irony of time, urchill is now a Tory Minister, surrounded! by his bitterest foes of 10 itars ago. Beaverbrook’s account of this crisis, ml. , ais . of which were known ■ a handful of leaders, does not Dlan The author describes the Tom,.* ■ L ° r , d Fisller to convey Russian ho n i. ID larse numbers to land on Mo. I coast of Germany a hundred f y°® Berlin. To do this not way w St tIl th « British fleet fight its »er Uk ttle Baltic, but a large numDrovi(L f i oats , 01 ' a new ty P e roust be building tu? the , se Fis ker set about Met Wifi, Jr 18 scheme came into conPaign s Dardanelles camW p l *? the dem ands were so be sarr r ’ two P* ans » °ne must Pishe, n ■ oniv’* Be ?' erbrook says, decided bria~ d destroy Churchill, but to as Wp ij 11 tae Asquith Government * did both, but did not ’o D ais objective, which was ha H C ° ntrol of the nay y into his *l*3 cm ,/' . EVOn his Tory su PP°rof {jj, not forgive his desertion * a rtim Upremely important post in ‘orv p»i k As beaverbrook tells the A p ,5 r oae day drew down the Admiral* the birst Lord’s room at the after he had walked over

to the Treasury and verbally announced his resignation to Lloyd George. Fisher refused to see anyone, so the alarmed Liberal leaders •at length sent his personal friend, Reginald McKenna, to the Admiralty. McKenna, saw Fisher’s eye peeping from behind a drawn blind, and insisted an admittance, but Fisher was adamant, and went to Scotland before any successor had been appointed. Fisher's method of informing the Tory opposition of what had happened was to send Bonar Law a newspaper clipping announcing that he had seen the King. The opposition lost no time, and Churchill’s doom was soon sealed. Lord Beaverhrook tells how Churchill came down to the House with a new and approved list of Admiralty appointments in his pocket, only to learn that, through the Tory refusal to support the Government after Fisher's resignation, he must leave the Admiralty. Lloyd George had a scheme for making Churchill Colonial Secretary. It was not yet clear that the. Tories would insist upon his complete elimination. But while this shake-up was being talked over, an urgent message summoned Churchill to the Admiralty. Churchill Devoted to Country The deposed chief hurried back, to find the German Fleet out. He had no First Sea Lord! for Fisher had gone. Here was the chance of Churchill’s life, and Beaverbrook’s narrative is colourful, fascinating and dramatic. Churchill knew that when the House next met his supersession was to be announced, but there was just one chance, a new Trafalgar, and for a few hours he still had the navy in his hands. Every unit at every port was sent to the scene of expected action, nothing was held in reserve as his more cautious successors held them at the time of Jutland a year later. Beaverbrook, who knows his man, speculates on Churchill’s dream during the night of how instead of his dismissal on the morrow the House might hear, from his own lips, the story of the greatest naval victory of the ages, and the implied triumphant vindication of his own policy. But the Germans got away, so there was no laurel crown. Instead, the next day, the axe fell upon Churchill.

Beaverbrook's analysis of the conduct of this fascinating man during the crisis of his and his country’s fate, is most favourable to Churchill from the story of the bridge four when a dispatch box was carried in announcing the declaration of war, and Churchill rose with a request to Beaverhrook to play his hand, to the last scene in the Admiralty nine months later, fatal to Churchill’s ambition. Throughout, according 1 o Beaverbrook, Churchill threw everything he had into the war and neglected to play politics at home. He scoffed at Home Rule discussions, and refusid to believe that his peace time enemies were plotting his ruin, as they never ceased to do. He thus paid the penalty, as far as his wartime career was concerned, of too great devotion to his country, in Lord Beaverbrook's view, and this estimate is made more piquant by the admitted fact that the principal political, though not personal. enemy who brought about Churchill’s downfall was Beaverbrook’s intimate friend, Bonar Law.