COOLIDGE COUNTS YET

Sun (Auckland), Volume II, Issue 375, 8 June 1928, Page 9

COOLIDGE COUNTS YET

Keen Political Strategy REPUBLICAN HEADS BUSY Votes for Cal. Will Stall Others (United P.A. —By Telegraph — Copyright) (Australian Press Association.) Reed 9.5 a.m. NEW YORK, Thursday. THE intentions of President Coolidge are again becoming prominently discussed. Rumours, reports, and views expressed by politicians have succeeded in more definitely befogging the situation in regard to the Presidency nominations.

Certainly, as concerns the outcome o£ the Republican Convention at Kansas City, it is frankly admitted to-day that anything may occur when the nominating body meets, but, interestingly enough, the discussion which has arisen has cast a clear light upon some of the underlying strategy that will actuate the bigger forces at the meeting. It may not be far from the- truth to say that the Republican politicians do not want Mr. Coolidge. Yet, amazingly enough, they are now concentrating upon Kansas City with every intention to vote for Mr. Coolidge to the bitter end if necessary, even should he announce on June 13 that he would not accept nomination if it were tendered. It is an open secret that Mr. H. C. Hoover’s foes, which are principally the factions behind Mr. F. O. Lowden, and Mr. G. C. Dawes, and such other so-called favourite sons at Senator Watson and Senator Curtis, would stop at nothing to defeat their opponent, and the simple plan they evolved was that, should Mr. Hoover begin to lead during the balloting, they would immediately begin to vote for Mr. Coolidge, and their strength, added to the latent “Draft Coolidge” sentiment, would be enough to stem the tide against Mr. Hoover. To-night it was indicated that the Hoover group may do the same thing. If either Mr. Lowden or Mr. Dawes should begin to lead during the balloting, a flood of votes for Mr. Coolidge would probably make it impossible to choose a nominee. It would be as effective in producing a deadlock as votes for the Senate sergeant-at-arms as the Republican nominee. Should a deadlock occur, frantic efforts for a compromise nominee will probably occur, with indications that a prominent figure for nomination will not be available, exSecretary of State C. E. Hughes definitely having stated that he will not accept nomination. [ It will be then that a so-called dark horse, or fairly unknown and politically colourless individual may be chosen. It perhaps merits notice, however, that non-partisan observers have suddenly centred attention upon Mr. An-

drew Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury, not as a nominee, but as a possible deciding factor in choosing a nominee. Mr. Hoover may poll 400 or even 500 votes, 545 being necessary for his choice. Mr. Mellon controls the Pennsylvania delegation of 79 votes. Thus, If Mr. Mellon decides to throw his strength to Mr. Hoover, it would either secure nomination for the latter immediately, or by example sway the convention to move freely to Mr. Hoover. With the convention resolving itself into a battle ground of strategy and compromise, one can wonder as to how important a part the issues will play. One may well question whether the issues will not be forgotetn, and what candidates believe in will be passed over. There may be high-sounding things in the Republican platform, as doubtless there will be in the Democratic, but politicians will ask for a quid pro quo before throwing their strength to any aspirant, and if the economic groups will try to sway the choice of the nominee, they will find that only by wielding a bludgeon, or literally by bolting, can they make themselves felt.

It promises to be a convention of secret conferences ‘in smoke-filled rooms between old-time politicians, with the delegates waiting their orders as to how they will vote. It promises, to be reminiscent of the Republican Convention of 1920.