The Sun FRIDAY, MARCH 9, 1928. MISCHIEF BREWS IN EGYPT

Sun (Auckland), Volume I, Issue 299, 9 March 1928, Page 8

The Sun FRIDAY, MARCH 9, 1928. MISCHIEF BREWS IN EGYPT

WHAT is the real cause of all the pother about Egypt? A complete answer would take a pile of words as tall as the Pyramids, but an epitome can be given adequately in a phrase or two. The real source of trouble is the temperament of the Egyptians. Ever since the days of Joseph, there has been trouble, as well as corn, in Egypt. Its history is strewn with intrigue, sporadic crises, conflict, and almost a constant brewing of mischief. Fortunately on many occasions, however, the political upheavals in a famous land of paradox look worse and sound worse than they really are in effect. Like our own volcano, Ngauruhoe, there is more rumbling than eruptive explosion. The main cause of the latest Egyptian crisis is attributable, more than to anything else, to the fact that Egypt has adopted a policy of development on Western lines of progress and politics before her population was ready for the responsibilities of selfgovernment as an independent nation. This policy was given to her in a hurry six years ago. The Protectorate was abolished in 1922 when Egypt was given a form of independence. It need not be pretended that Egypt’s independence is anything like'complete. Great Britain may sometimes have been foolish in her generosity, but her Ministers of State are not altogether fools. Britain retains some vital control in Egypt for the very best of reasons—she has to he there in order to keep some other nation out. If Britain withdrew completely from the troubled land, it is probable . that Italy would soon take a hand in Egypt and, as everybody knows, Signor Mussolini would brook no nonsense from the Wafdists or Nationalists in Egypt’s noisy politics. So far, independence has proved to be a slippery slope in Egypt. Throughout its operation the whole trend of politics has been toward the elimination of British interests and influence. Practically all the posts now occupied by foreigners are held on contracts of only two years’ duration. Most of the State departments do their utmost to make the conditions of the remaining British officials so irksome and intolerable as to compel them to resign in disgust. The results have been extremely unsatisfactory. There is a rush for Government jobs. Every effendi who gains a secondary school certificate believes he has secured a heaven-sent right to an easy billet—a belief that nowadays is not confined exclusively to the Egyptians. Since the supply of jobs is not equal to the demand, patriotism demands the banishment of the foreigner. It has to be admitted that the hurried Declaration of Egypt’s independence in 1922 was a brittle instrument. Unfortunately, it was not given the strength of a treaty. This kept the door open to dispute, and at times it has seemed as though the door would he torn off its hinges. In the Declaration Great Britain insisted on four reservations, these being: (1) The British duty of protecting Egypt against outside aggression. (2) The protecting of Imperial communications (the security of the Suez Canal is essential, even though the Pyramids should fall). (3) The protection of the foreign communities. (4) The retention of the Sudan as a purely British area of administration. Whatever else may be conceded, these reservations must be retained and maintained. The terms of the draft treaty, which has been rejected by the Nationalists, represent a handsome generosity, but on the vital points of control neither Great Britain nor any other Power would agree to give more than has been proffered. If the brew boil over, it will be the Egyptians who will suffer scalds.