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BISMARCK'S HOME POLICY.

When the Marl of Beaconsfield is not lighting up any of his most brilliant and combustible fireworks, Princo Bismarck remains the most considerable figure hi Europe. And it is part of his practice, if not of his policy, to keep the public gaze fixed upon him by continuous action rather than by frequent speech. No one can deny his great powers, or fail to admire the cool determination with which he worked out the unification of Germany, and created the most powerful military Empire in the world. IJut when we come to examine his internal policy, grave doubts aris as to his fitness to lead a great nation. He has united Germany, but apparently he cannot or will not consolidate it by aiding the growth of the popular institutions which alone are suited to the spirit of age. So long as he is in the region of " high politics " ami of international diplomacy, lie is in his element, but in deuling with the liberty of the subject, parliamentary institutions, or national finance, he shows that he has never emancipated himself from the active prejudices of the Pomeranian squire. Already the world has realised that Napoleon the Third was a very much over-estimated man ; perhaps tho time is not distant when the apostle of " blood and iron" will be divested of the almost superhuman powers with which he is still clothed in the eyes of many. His conflict against the Papacy may prove to lie his Mexico, and his present campaign against all that is liberal may lead to a domestic Sedan.

The national liberals of Germany followed him in his contest with Ultramoiitanism, for he them by appealing to their national prejudiced, and they did not see. that was opposing an ecclesiastical depotism by weans of an equally objectionable aeeular tyranny over the churches. The very men therefore, who ought to have laboured for the fulfilment of Cavour's noble ideal: A face church in u free State," the iii.struuiu.ito in Bismarck's hands of forging fresh fetters for Church and Slate alike. When the great Chancellor found that his success in this conflict was doubtful, he is understood to have desired to stir up international difficulties, which might have covered his retreat, but this charge | rests on doubtful evidence, and it must; be admitted in justice to him that he has been the peacemaker in regard to the Eastern question, when a few words from him might have precipitated a world-wide strugggle of mighty nations.

Eiu.li year since tlio VU lias been adding to the discontent of tlio Ueriuan people. The national Liberals have followed too blindly the Chancellor, and the ranks of the socialists have been strengthened by many who would otborwiio have belonged to a moderate progressive party. Tho taxation has steadily increased, and the profits of tho country is such that it is impossible to take a possivo comae; more taxes must bo raised, the growing discontent must be met by sonio means of repression or alleviation. Looking rouud him tho Chancellor saw that the French Government draws a largo revenue from the monopoly of tho sale of tobacco, and

he proposed Ihe same in Genuaey, regardless of the immense vested interests which have grown up under an open system. On tliis tobacco question he met with a decisive theck, ami was compelled to look round from other dients. He next tried to introduce a complete protective system, and is still engaged with this project. Already he has found that it is hiuch easier to write letter* to the agriculturist on the subject than to draw up a *nri!f which will work. The Rhineland manufacturers who have been the chief competitors of English manufacturers in certain class.-* of goods cry out that they must have English yarns with which to manufoo* Hire their wares and imjiorted corn must be untaxed, or the costs of production, will drive them out of the market. How, then, are the agriculturists to be protected. The ironmasters again are divided. And it is curious to note that the EnglMi nre under-selling the Germans, although the cry in (Jreat Hi itain is that the Germans are underselling the English. Altogether the Chancellor Is in as pretty a mess As his enemies could wish to see> and the only report of his commission, which is ready, is that for " calendars, playing-cards, And gunpowder." Financial difiiculties, great as they are, do not fill up the measure, of this statesman's embroilments. In his own words, ho is " pig-sticking " that is to say, arresting socialist leaders, dissolving socialist clubs, and repressing socialist newspapers. Not Content with, this, he wishes to do his " pig-sticking " within the walls of the Rerehsrath, and to introduce a course of procedure which wouM leave the Parliament completely at the feet of the Government. He would crush the remnants of representative institutions, and impose an odious despotism on tho most liberal people in Europe. Fortunately he has gone too far, and Germany declines to accept measures which Laud atid Wentworth would never have dared to suggest, anil which Charles the First would never have dared to enforce. Public spirit is not dead but sleeping in Clermany, and we may anticipate that Hampdens, Elliots, ami Vanes will Ite found who will awaken tlu-ir countrymen to tho necessity of resisting the tyrannical measures, if not the financial vagaries of the despot of Germany.—Town ami Country Journal.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/STSSG18790621.2.17

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Samoa Times and South Sea Gazette, Volume 2, Issue 90, 21 June 1879, Page 3

Word count
Tapeke kupu
903

BISMARCK'S HOME POLICY. Samoa Times and South Sea Gazette, Volume 2, Issue 90, 21 June 1879, Page 3

BISMARCK'S HOME POLICY. Samoa Times and South Sea Gazette, Volume 2, Issue 90, 21 June 1879, Page 3

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