German Conduct. in Samoa.

Samoa Times and South Sea Advertiser, Volume I, Issue 20, 2 March 1889, Page 2

German Conduct. in Samoa.

[ooNTwtmii.] (from the NintUmlh Ctntury for Nov.) A The ehieftain next in orde* of rank toMalietoa in.the islands is osiied Mataafa, whosa nam* apptars in the recent telograma from Auckland, as having been mads king in lira of Tamamm. The goveramsnt during the last twelfj moaftajMlt tinned ssriss of ootng*, and, J&sea, anarchymavbeaaid tol^wpwraijed. mans haverefusedtoafti^aMunicipal doanoil, thmby ifrwraqtftfciquo-

complained bitterly to their respective Governments of the treatment Hi. 7 hare received. On several occasions "lift b«a not bean safe through the orders given and the euidnot practised •' by German officer* and men, and at ' ■ laagth* on Herr BrandeU determining '- •• • to giv* the name of Mai Hon to Tamasese, the chiefs and the people have broken into rebellion, and, led by Mataafa, have defeated Tamasese's troops although backed by the moral force of German sympathy and the almost certain military assistance of the Umpire. 80 much for the statement that Tamasese's followers were | ' majority, and that the people •wfrain favor of him as king. In fcsnly to questions asked by Mr. I Moartkw In toe House of Commons j between the 4th and 17tli of Mny of' the present yeur, the Under-Secretary ! for Foreign Affairs stated that no ar-! rmgement had been entered into with ', Germany that she should become the I dominant power in Samoa, that the Btlgtbh Government taw no reason to j interfere between Germany and Malietos, anfd that Tamasese, tho king <lt fiMd, would be recognised by England. ' In reference to both questions and ) I answers it will bo necessury to carry the reader back to an interview botween Prince Bismarck and .Sir £. do B. Malet in 1885. At thatintoiview, as reported by Sir E. de 11. Mnlot to j Lord Salisbury, the tone taken up by the German Chdncollor seems to the] ordinary reader to be of a most true-■> , ulent charaoter. Prince Bismarck , said, " that at every point at which: Germany had endeavored to found a colony England had clor.ed in, making \ new acquisitions so as to restrict Germany's power of expansion." fie instanced the ease of Now Guinea, and, j \ in spite of the clear reasoning of Sir j Edward Malet, he clung to his own argument with pertinacity. He proceeded to read a despatch '■ which he had written to Count Minister on the sth of May, 1884, and stated that tho English Government j had entirely failed to appreciate tho j importance that tho German Govern-! meat attached to the colonial question, j For if Lord Salisbury had understood it the'successivo annoyances to which j Germany had been exposed VOuld have been averted. / [ • ' The despatch to Count Minster, Sir I •"• Edward Malet continues, was a very' remarkable one. 1 ' '■ It stated tho great importance that the Prince attached to iho colonial question and also to tho friendship of j Germany *nd- England. It pointed i V- ''■ ditt in the commencement of Gor- I man colonial enterprise England might render signal services to Germany, and : said'that for those services Germany i would use hrr best end' avsrs on Eug- ' land's behalf on questions concerning , her interests nearer home. It pressed j these considerations with arguments ! to show the mutual advantage which Which such understanding would produce, and it then proceeded to instruct Count Monster to say " if it could not I be effected the result would be that j Germany would seek from Franco the ,' assistance whi-h she had failed to obtain from England, and would draw 1 closer to her on the same lines on which

she now endeavored to meet England." ; Prince Bismarck went on to say that, | not being satisfied w'.th tlio resul's, j and attributing' it in part to tlie am- ' baasador not having stated tlio points | with precision, he serf his son Count | Herbert Bismarck to England in tho hope that he might succeed where Count Munstev might had failud, but , that Count Herbert unfortunately had \ only'succeeded in obtaining those gen- j era! friendly assurances of good-will j which were of little value in tho faco I of subsequent occurrences. * Sir Edward Malet proceeded to state j that Prince Bismarok takes up a remark attributed to Lord Salisbury I in a report on the Egyptian question, to the effect that the attitude of Oermany on the colonial question rr.akea it difficult for Lord Salisbury to be conciliatory on other points. The Prince then went on to speak of what he termed the " closing-tip system of | England," and cited Zululand,iu which i discussion Sir Edward Malet clearly i had the best of the argument and I proved that the Prince was misinformed. He continued, in speaking to L Prince Bismarok, to allege that the [ situation was an unhappy one between i the twa great power, s and ono which I gave him great pain, as he had been I instructed by Lord Salisbury to bring I about a better understanding; that he I knew it was sever the intention of the K Government of England to thwart Ger- ■ many, but that Great Britain eould not K know the German OhenoeUor's wishes • without their being revealed. And Sir ■ Bdward Malet asked what it was that B, the Prises wanted—was it that part of JRairCrttfaya skat England was annexKUtl *M the vodetetaadiog which ■sahftdatrlTedatwith France put it Hoi his power to take op the que*. Boa now, as he had expUiaad It is F^ttKotfotmTertarion ended in an ■r MpwisttiDn of regret oa the pari of

j Prince Rismarck as keen as that to ' which Sir Edward Malet had given , utterance, ft \a romarkahln that after ; this communication the British Consul* at Samoa were always instructed to I favor tho Germans, and cautioned expressly and repentf dly not to interfere. It is nUo remarkable that Sir John . ThnMon recommeuded tho domination ' of one power in Samoa, and that the j first term of domination should bo given jto Germany. Bir John Thurston's I hands seemed so completely bound in the Conference at Washington by his instructions as to causa in the Amorican Government an nhsoluto belief that an arrangement had beon como to between England and Germany—the surmise being that it had reference to that matter of "Egypt,' and to " those interests nenrer home," on- which such stress had been laid by Prince Bismarck in his interview with Sir E. B. M«let. The best-informed minds in New Zenland and Australia are of tho same opinion as the Americans, and it docs not tend to implicit confidence between the colonies and ths Imperial authorities that such a belief can be held, which 6eems to bo substantiated by historical occurrences, especially when, as in this instance, no mention is made by tho Government of Great Britain of the real circumstances surrounding tho case.

In 1880—wlion tho fouling nf thn colonies upon French and German annexion was at a fever-boat—a delimitation ireaty was signod by England and Germany as to tho partition of tho inlands of that portion of the South Pacific, omitting Samoa, Tonga, and some other smaller group.". Was thoro no understanding between these two countries at tho time of tho signing of the signing of this treaty, or at any other timo prior to that event f If not what excuse can bo given for the abandonment to Germany of English interests, and the repudiation of all our assurances to Mnlietoa anil Samoa ? The colonial conference of 1887 Feems to have exercised a considerable influence upon tho Imperial Government in relation to its dealings with continental powers in the South Pacific. It nifty safely bo assorted that the matters of New Guinea, of tho New Hebrides, of French convict settlements in Now Caledonia, and of Gorman aggression in Samoa, • strain 'he relations between England and the Australian colonies very severely. Subsequently to the Knglish delimitation treaty and the sotting up of Tama*o-e as king of Samoa, Prince Bismarck, through the Baron von Zodtwitz, sent a most remarkable despatch (datod the 18th of November, 1887) to lh» Government at Washington. I:i this document, the German Chancellor accuses overy American consul of opposing and thwarting Germany, of encouraging dit-putee between Malietoa and the Gurmanofficers and of dereiving his own Government. Tho language used by Prince Bismarck in, to say the least, very dictatorial, and he complains bitterly, in view of the very friendly relations which had continued undisturbed for uioro than n century between Germany and tho United States, that in a remoto group of islands whero neither America or Germany had any political interests to defend, Germany whs exposed to tho continual ill-will of n series of American representatives. In contrast, says the Prince, to the ill-will of America, look nt our relations with Great Britain. The contiguity of English and German colonies in the South Pacific must, ho says, lead to rivalries and great friction. Great Britain alse is compelled to take into consideration tho claims and prejudices of her colonics, which," grown up undor the idea of a British monopoly of ruling in Transatlantic countries, aro inclined to look upon foreign neighbourship as an interference with the sphoro of their interests, or as a menace to their security." And he proceeds to point out that, especially in the case of Samoa," the covetousness ropoutedly shown by New Zealandors of obtaining possession of those islands" has mndo it much more difficult for England to act with friendship towards Germany. " Necerthilett we are there in much better relatione to England than to America, although the commercial interests of Great Britain in Samoa, though smaller than ours, aro more considerable than those of the United States."

To this extraordinary despatch Mr. Bcyard replied in an rlaborate memorandum dated tho 17th ot January of the presont year, in whioh after rooiting the complaints made Prince Bis* marck, the American Minister effectually disposes of his argument*, and shows that the opposition of the American oonsuls was never to the German Government, but to acts of oppression and to breaches of the treaties existing in favor of Malietoa, and urges ia reply to Prince Bismarck, that the civil commotions so rife In Samoa of lata yaara art owing to German influence Insupporting Tamasose in his rebellion. Since that time it ia understood that Hasst* kafcsaaa ttksa 4l*w% rfilMs.*bail* ii.fc. attit tft

j iu king Malietoa have been unjustly treated by the Germane, and that the : American Government has been tosotne extent ouMnancauvred. An incident, nmnaingin itself., hut which might havo b«ronie tragic, was the intervention of the Kingdom of Hawaii in the tnitlht of the complication <>f Samoan matters. Viewed with' disfavor by the Americans, and with indifference by England, it was summarily stopped by a single line from Bismarck. Any furthor action, said the man of iron, taken by Hawaii in this matter will be treated by Germany aa a declaration of war. In n vory little time the Hawniiao rhip disappeared from Samoan waters, its crew discharged, the vessel sold, and the Hawaiians discreetly rotiied into their normal insignificance. The late telegrams from New Zealand which announced that a oivit war had broken out. and that the adherents of Mnletoa under Motanfa had defeated and driven off the forces of Tamasese, would cause no surprise to those who were at all acquainted with the general course of recent events. It is probable that the German Government will now re-consider its detrition to send Malietoa back to his native island, bnt what step G°rmany herself may take it is impossible to foresee. Theie are all the elements of great danger in the present outbreak. In those distant regions the feelings of men run high, and an international strife between the subjects of the great powers might lend to very grave complications. The time is opportune for the friendly intervention of England and the States. The American Government seems not only willing hut anxious, while fulfilling its obligations to Samoa, to maintain its friendly relations with Germany. Tho question of the occupation of tho Samoan Islands forms to tho Australasian colonies a part of the greater question of the dangers nrising to their commerce and sea-ports from the existence in tho South Sens of so ninny neutral or possibly hostile territories in casu of war. Other difficulties al*o, such as that of tho French convict settlements, arise from time to time. A generation has passed sincts Sir Gporge Grey, then Governor of New Zealand, matured a great plan of Imperial extension by which all tho islands of tho South Pac'fic would have tome under the British flag. But this bold and Imperial polity was scouted by the Colonial Office, and its author ridiculed.

British cominorco a* well hs that of tho colonies all through tho Southern Ocean shares equally the diiugfcr* which follow foreign occupation. It is. howover, to that uspoet of tho case wbiidi rpgnrds the conduct of Germany towards the Samonn King and people, and the good faith of England and America, that this article rofors. Tho throo great powers are culpable but not equally so. Tho, United States have never during their hundred j'ears of existence as a sovereign power shown themselves in so unenvianlo a light as in this instance. The Government at Washington should not havo entered into obligations so gonorally expressed as those contained in the fifth article of the treaty unless it had inlonded to fulfil to the extretno limit the moaning which tho -Samoan King might, iu a time of peril, plao" upon tho torms used. Its consul having acted ns discreetly as t'.id Mr Ur.-enlmum, and the immediate result having been so beneficial, tho state of thing:) should have boon unaltered until the convention had finished it* sitting at Washington. Ah it was. the American officials joined with tho English to prevent Malietoa from putting Tatnasose and tho rebels to the sword, and bath Governments abandoned him when this same Tamasese was used by the Germans to dethrone their trusting ally.

The part playod by England seems altogether indefensible. It mny be explained by the exigence of c«ntinental politics, and the necessity for maintaining amicable relations with Germany, having reference to the Egyptian question, and " those matters' nearer homo " already alluded to. It is this subordination of colonial interosts to European polities that give rise in the minds of colonial statesmen to the belief that iho time is rapidly approaching when Great. Britain will hare to choose one of two courses of procedure. For it appears oertain that if the Imperial authorities deter- j mine to adhere to the traditionary policy of interference with continental' politics and msintianing the balance of power in Europe, she will weaken and possibly destroy the kindly feeling whieh now binds her many child-; ren to the great Mother of Nations, and east away those vast territories; which, wisely administered, will yet. open a new and, happier era in the history of the English people. Ths action of Germany b not only inde-1 feasible bnt worthy of condemnation. 1 Soeh oonduet brings its own punish-1 Olaal, and nations softer just retribu Hon for national sins. When the the streets sad squares of Berlin were \ nrowded night and day Ky anxfeushosts wooes prayers asesnded on be-

half of their beloved Emperors-.when the Great Ruler of ajl not. to take fraut them their wise and true-hoartod leaders—they forgot the weeping Samoans beneath the sharfe of the telea tree, and they tailed Wremember that in the sight of Him to whom they prayed the King. of Samoa and the Emperor of Germany were but equals. When Europe is convulsed with war for which all continental nations are preparing, in spite of the wisdom of her Chancellor, and the reticence and policy of her young Emperor, not withstanding the apparently deep hold which William is obtaining upon the hearts of different nationalities in the course of his triumphal march through tho different capitals of Europe, the day may oomo.in which Germany will bewail tho refusal of Providence to ant wer their prayer* and spare to them the calm courage and the patient wisdom of Frederick tho Noble. W. L. Kees.