IRELAND.

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXX, Issue 97, 26 July 1916, Page 5

IRELAND.

THE HOME RULE BSLL. SERIOUS POLITICAL SITUATION. DEBATE EM THE COMMONS. MR REDMOND’S MOTION TO ADJOURN THE HOUSE. Press Association—Copyright, Australian and N.Z. Cable Association. London, July 25. In the House of Commons Mr Redmond, in moving tho adjournment of the House, staled that he wished to make a dispassionate statement of the facts. After Mr Asquith’s return from Ireland, and Mr Lloyd George’s negotiations, everyone was thrilled with the hope that the Irish question would be put out of the way until the war was concluded. Mr Lloyd George’s proposals wore in no sense his or Sir E. Carson’s proposals. The Government, two months ago, was urged to tho necessity of making a quick decision, anti tho agreement was, in the words of Mr Asquith, “for a provisional settlement until the war was over.” That was tho chief feature of the plan, without which neither he nor his colleagues would have considered it.* Tho agreement was plain and unmistakable that the amending Bill should remain in force during the continuance of the war and for a year afterwards. When Sir K. Carson objected to tho six Ulster counties thus automatically coming into tho Home Rule Act if Parliament took no steps within a year after tho war, the Nationalists assented to the addition of a provision that the duration of the Amending Bill should bo extended by an Order-in-Couneil until Parliament dealt with the six counties. The Nationalists did not desire to coerce any Ulster county which objected to Home Rule, hut they never contemplated the idea that this great question would he foreclosed and settled now. Another fundamental proposal was that during the period of transition tho number of Irish Commoners should not ho reduced, yet the very day ho returned to London he was faced with Lord Lansdowne’s proposal that 1 a clause should ho inserted in tho Bill providing for the full maintenance of Imperial authority over the army and navy.

Mr Redmond, continuing, said: “Though this matter was fully covered hy the 1914 Act, rather than break down the agreement I assented to the declaratory clause of the kind that Lord Lnsdowno desired. I believed that all obstacles to the immediate introduction of the Bill had been removed,, but like a bolt from the blue came Lord Lansdowne’s speech in the House of Lords, declaring that-the Bill would make certain structural alterations in the 1914 Act, which Act was permanent and endurable. Some days later 1 received an extraordinary message from the Cabinet that a number of new proposals had been brought forward, and, when I asked the nature of these proposals, was informed that the Cabinet did not desire to consult mo until an agreement | was reached. I next ieceived a communication on Saturday, when Mr Lloyd George and Mr Hoibert Samuel requested mo to call at the War Office. They said that Cabinet had decided to insert two entirely new provisions in the Bill. One provided for the permanent exclusion of the Ulster counties, and the other to cut out the draft Bill making provision for the attendance of Irish members in full force at Westminster during the transitory period. I was given to understand that this decision was absolute and final. The Governent’s action was bound to increase Irish suspicion in the good faith of the British statement.” If the Government introduced the Bill on the lines communicated to him he would oppose it at every stage. Henceforward . the Nationalists would feel it their duty to exercise thenindependent judgment, criticising the over-increasing vacillation and procrastination which seemed to form the entire policy of the Government, not only in reference to Ireland, but the’whole conduct of the war.

MR LLOYD GEORGE. Mr Lloyd George said that Mr Redmond’s narrative was substantially accurate, except in one or two paiticulars. He hoped the agreement had only broken down temporarily.— (Nationalist laughter.) it was disastrous that in the middle of a great war they should he diverted from giving their whole energies towards the prosecution of the war by the necessity to discuss a mat.er of domestic strife. Ho would agree that Mr Redmond’s arrangement should bo provisional, and the whole situation reviewed at the end of the .war. It was contemplated that a conference representing the whole of the self-gov-erning Dominions should discuss the final settlement, not that the conference should decide, a s only the imperial Parliament could decide, but that we should have the assistance and experience , of the Colonies. U was also made perfectly clear that

the Ulster counties should never automatically bo included.—(Nationalist cries of “No No!”)

1 Mr Lloyd George said that was in accordance with the terms Mr Asquith announced in ihe House of Commons.

Mr Redmond interjected: “It was tho intention of all of ns that tho provisional arrangement should remain in existence until the permanent settlement was finally determined.”

Mr Lloyd George said that under no conditions were tho six lister counties to come under the Homo Rule Government against their will. The present agreement had fallen through, not because of any difference iu substance," but because they could not arrive at a form of words which would enable the agreement to be carried out.

Mr Redmond: Why not put the form of words approved by ourselves and Sir E. Carson into the Bill?

Mr Llpyd George replied that there was a great difference between drafting a form of words on foolscap containing tho heads of a settlement, and drafting an Act of Parliament. Referring to Irish representation at Westminster, Mv Lloyd George admitted that the head of settlement had been departed from, but said this had been done because the Unionist members of Cabinet had found it quite impossible to support a proposal which maintained Irishmen in undiminished numbers in the Imperial Parliament. After a general election that might make all the difference between a Liberal and a Unionist Government. —(Loud Nationalist cheers, and cries of “This is patriotism and no party! What about tho war now ?”) Mr Lloyd George continued: “The Unionists said this would be most unfair. I have never deviated a cardinal point from th% conviction that the Ulster counties must be definitely struck out of the Home Rule Act. If a subsequent Parliament desired to put them in again, with the goodwill of Ulster, or by the coercion of Parliament, it could do so. The Nationalist's know the unanimous decision of Cabinet now, and it would be a good day for Ireland if Mr Redmond and myself were to shake hands on the floor of the House. (Loud cheers.) But if this is done there must be no idea of coercing Ulster. Lot Ulster be bodily struck out of tho Bill, and let tho Nationalists win over Ulster if they can.”

SIR EDWARD CARSON. ( } Sir Edward Carson said he felt the coercion of Ulster was' impossible; i but when Ulstermen and Dublin Fusiliers had died in the trenches side by side, they at home would have been faithless citizens and faithless sons of the Empire if they refused to enter into negotiations. He said he was quite sure that at the end of the they would have had enough of fighting, and would have to consider the great questions of the reconstruction 'of the whole Empire and the whole basis of society. There would be fmlancial difficulties so grave that he did not like to contemplate them, and it would enormously increase the ' difficulties if the old Irish quarrels ' were resumed.

MR O’BRIEN. Mr O’Brien taunted tile Redmondites with running the substance of their agreement owing to Irish pressure. Ireland would never forget that the Redmondites had agreed to separate six of the richest and most historical counties, and onethird of the whole population. H the plot had succeeded it would have been the death sentence to the constitutional movement in Ireland.

ASQUITH TO THE REDMONDITES.

Mr Asquith acknowledged the loyal and patriotic attitude of the Nationalists during the war, and then addressed the Redmondites: “Directly you have the opportunity, consent to all the members of the coalition bringing Home Rule into immediate operation. Are you going to throw away the opportunity That is the question. The war has united all parties, and the common desire is to concentrate all

energies upon the success of our arms. It has made Irishmen of all shades of opinion look with nausea and disgust upon a possible recurrence of internecine strife. Contrary to all their wishes and all prepossessions, my Unionist colleagues have agreed that Home Rule should come into inlinedia+ Q operation. It is pirt of the agrv-_ nt that six counties shall he excluded. I consider the exclusion of the six counties the 1 'greatest give-and-take arrangement ever made in political history.”

Mr Asquith asked the House if it was necessary to the country \\ bethel the Government’s prnposa’s were not fair, as the most ardent'Heme Ihder hedged the Nationalists not to break negotiations. On behalf oi the Government, he repeated Mr Carson’s appeal not to allow the present opportunity to slip away which would re-

bound to Ireland’s good and promote Ihp strength and safety of the Empire. Mr Redmond's motion was negatived. PROBABLE CHANGES !N THE CABINET. Press Association—Copyright. Reuter’s Telegrams London, Jvly 25. The Daily Nows stated that Mr Lloyd George has offered to resign in view of the Irish controversy. It is understood Mr Asquith’s attitude is that if Mr Lloyd George .resigns he will consider himself bound to resign also. The matter is not ' being discussed, but the situation of the Coalition Government has not improved.

THE UNIONISTS’ PROPOSAL. STRENGTH OF THE NATIONAL* | ISTS. Press Association—Copyright, Australian and N.Z. Oable Association. (Received 10.5 a.ra.) London, July 25. I The Unionists proposed that the ; Nationalist members of the House 1 of Commons, should, after a. general election, be reduced to forty, but that they should be summoned to Westminster in their original ‘strength in any session when a permanent settlement for Ireland was to be considered.