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THE NAVAL POLICY.

[To Tue Editor Strateorb Post.] Sir, —1 am very tired this evening, but as 1 said would write something more about naval matters, and as this is the only evening I have to spare I suppose I must make a lew remarks about the changes our Government propose to make, the advocates of

a load navy plead that we tire confronted with serious and impending clanger; that the problem of a local navy must be solved, that if we neglect to unravel this knotted skein we are guilty of a crime against ourselves and are neglecting to perforin our duty to the Empire, but I .am. forced to the conclusion that tlie Premier and all adherents to the local navy policy misinterpret the signs and must be watched or we will be committed to an everincreasing expenditure quite unwarrantable at the present time. 1 have carefully examined,the international relationship of Europe and Asia; the possible'and probable combinations that under existing circumstances could be formed against our Empire; the fighting power of the different navies of our friends and foes ; the local and foreign territorials, financial, "social and commercial interests of Asiatic and European nations, and' after due consideration of ?ri- ! tain's unique'insular position, her present naval supremacy and her building programme for many years to come 1 am: compelled to the belief that we must accept the statements of the First Lord of the Admiralty, who is the highest authority to whom we can J°pjfeftP d his opinion is thai, no member <ojfce Empire is exposed to the slignfflHk danger. From a consideration!!, of this opinion we must see how foolishly stupid it is for the lay-mi ml to become nervously excited over the changes that have been taking place .ef late in the distribution of the Imperial Navy.

Let us have a word about )( the ( naval supremacy of the Pacific. To me it has been perplexing that who profess to have opinions on this question cannot see that circumstances and facts clearly show that destiny has decreed that, that proud and opulent Republic, the United States, is to become the sjupreme Power in the great and peaceful ocean between Asia and America.; AVheii the Irish question, which has always been the one insuperable obstruction to the permanent binding of the Anglo-Saxony on the opposite sides ofi the Atlantic has been settled, we will see the labors and dreams of a long liiie' of good and great diplomatists i blossoming into realities and the mother and her divorced daughter will clasp hands across • the Atlantic in an affectionate and lasting understanding that will for over hold in awe the ambitions of Europeans and Asiatics who turn their leering eyes in the direction of the Pacific.

After carefully thinking over the public and private indebtedness of this young and the /bnornious sums that have yet to be expended in the work of pioneering and developing our country's undeveloped resources which we'have given little attention to as yet, and after having examined the nature 'and extent of the taxation we have to bear, and when I contemplate these obligations in conjunction with the opinions of the highest naval 'authorities who- declare we are exposed to no dapger, and after adding to this the knowledge of the great increase in taxation, an ambitious local fleet would impose, I am convinced it would be extremely unwise to countenance the establishment of a local navy.

I am quite conscious that in the work of nation-building due consideration should be given to sea defence when that work of raising' nationhood is being conducted on insular territory, but it must not be forgotten that that consideration should be governed by circumstances peculiar to each individual case, and I insist that in continuing our annual contributions to the Imperial Navy we are faithfully' carrying out all the reasonable' obligations in respect to sea defence.

Of course I am not competent to speak with authority on the financial phases of the question, as little indication has been given as to the nature of the programme the Government has in mind, but if their programme is to be proportionate to the magnitude of the danger the Premier asserts we are exposed to, then I am within reason in assuming that it is the intention Jof the Government to establish a line of protection competent to successfully engage any predatory division that a foreign or alien Power might despatch. Working from this basis it would be no violation of a reasonable hypothesis to assert that the humblest programme would cost at least twice as much as our preset annual contribution) to the Imperial Navy.

Attempts have been mode to create the impression that the Imperial Government is gtlilty of a gross, violation of its last contract with this Dominion in not sending the division to these waters as agreed upon, but we must not he so foolish as to infer culpable negligence from the alteration in the distribution in the Imperial fleet which withdrew the ships from the ! Pacific stations. It will be apparent to all who have a knowledge of sea defence that it matters not where the [lmperial licet is stationed so long as it maintains its present magnificent strength. I have followed closely the Empire's naval interests and concerns, and though I may be considered a mental | bat or an intellectual owl. yet, after stretching my imagination to its extremest verge and adding,to it all those associates of the mind in the shape of nervousness, fear, doubt, mistrust and dread, I am forced to confess that it is impossible for me to discover the faintest shadow of evidence to justify the claim that we are surrounded by impending danger.— I am, etc., THOMAS BOYLE.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/STEP19140627.2.5.1

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXIX, Issue 56, 27 June 1914, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
959

THE NAVAL POLICY. Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXIX, Issue 56, 27 June 1914, Page 2

THE NAVAL POLICY. Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXIX, Issue 56, 27 June 1914, Page 2

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