The Tory Doctrine.

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 84, 30 March 1914, Page 5

The Tory Doctrine.

"OPTIONAL OBEDIENCE.''

THE LIBERAL STANDPOINT "NO MINISTERIAL PLOT." GENERAL COMMENT. [By Electric Telegraph—Copyright] [United Press Association. ; London, March 28. Sir John Simon, Attorney-General, speaking at Blackburn, emphatically denied that there was a Ministerial plot to attack Ulster. He had been present at every Cabinet and Cabinet, committee which had discussed the precautionary arrangements. It was a great misfortune that the officers in Ireland had ever asked hypothetical questions. Sooner than admit the officers' claim to pick and choose between the laws they should support lie was willing to face resignations without number. The one living problem of our time" was a better democratisation of the Army.

Mr Illingworth, Liberal member for Yorkshire, West Riding, speaking at Blackburn, said the Tories had raised an issue that is threatening the very foundations of the people. The incidents in the House of Commons surpassed in interest and importance anything in living memory, but the Tory party had welded the coalition into the people's party, and the Army 'issue would be settled on the Liberal party's own lines, in their own way, and in their own time. Some of the

"officers, with the full connivance of the Tories, had started the doctrine of optional obedience, namely, to support the civil authorities in protecting life and property under the Tory Government, but if" asked to perform similar duty under the Liberals they would resign. "That," ho said, "is an insult that, we in due time are prepared to meet."

Mr Robert Blatchford, in the Clarion, ridicules the Government. They evidently thought that if they blew loud enough, and marched a few battalions Tip hill and down again, the Ulstermen would lay down their arms and consent to be devoured to make a Liberal holiday. "If Ulster stands to arms, she will win. The British public will not allow war with Ulster, and Mr Asquith knows it." Mr J. H. Thomas (Labor), speaking at Derby, said there could be no better issue for a general election than whether Parliament would govern or, the Army, encouraged and fostered through aristocratic circles. Captain Morrison Bell, speaking after Mr Bonar Law, strongly protested that the new order was the grossest insult to the whole Army. There was never any doubt as to officers and men obeying their superiors' orders. FieldMarshal French had stultified his position by signing the new order. • r

The speaker concluded: "Had not Colonel Seely done his best to spoil the discipline of the whole Army by ;;oing to the officers and, through General A. H. Paget, asking what their views were, this question would never have arisen." (Opposition cheers).

Mr Peto, at Kingston, said the cry of "the Army against the people" was the despairing cry of a discredited party, ready to wreck the nation in a desperate gamble to save themselves.

The Times says that if the opening clause of the new Army order is a confession that the Government wrongly sought such an assurance, we welcome it. But the measure of their sincerity is the degree to which they restrain themselves and their vindictive followers in making speeches. The way is cleared for Parliament to resume the consideration of the purely uolitical issues.

The Daily Mail reports that General Gough was summoned to the War Office, Cabinet seeking to obtain a free uirrender of the pledge he holds, and thus enable Field-Marshal French and General Ewart to remain and so extricate the Cabinet from its worst diffi■ulties.

The Chronicle says th» words, "in future," appear in the Army order for the purpose of preventing its opening articles being construed as •ensure on past acts, whether those of General Gough, General Sir A. H. Paget, Colonel Seely or the Army Council.

Mr Asquith, in the House of Com'nons, emphasised that Field-Marshal French and General Ewart desired to '•esign not because they differed from the Government, but because they initialled the memorandum. The Government would regard their resignations as a serious misfortune to the Army and to the State. (Cheers). Be concluded by deela'rihg that it was d together untrue that the Government or any member of the Governnent had ever contemplated active monitions of an aggressive character ; n Ulster, or any operations imposing an the Army a duty not amply covered by the terms of this order.

The Morning Post says that Field-

Marshal French and General Ewart must consider whether Mr Asquith's

dosing words repudiated the assurance >f the memorandum concerning the •rushing of political opposition.

Many Liberal associations in the provinces passed resolutions congratulating Mr Asquith on his firmness, and supporting the Government's efforts in resisting encroachments on the people's sovereign liberties; also protesting against any further concessions to Ulster.

General Gough, from Curragh, and Sir Edward Carson unexpectedly arrived in London.

The Dublin Evening Mail writes

"It now appears in connection with the swamping of Ulster that eighteen batteries of field artillery and two of horse were ordered to he in readiness to go north. Thirty tons of ammunition were ordered from Dublin for the garrisons at Newbridge and Kildare." Letters from Irish officers show that the King's name was used freely during the questionings of infantry I officers. They were informed it was 'the King's personal desire that of the [two alternatives put before them by [the Government they should fight Ulsfter rather than resign. Certain generals admit that they used the King's name, and explain that it is- the custom to speak of the King as the head of the Army j and to use his name in conveying instructions. Sir Edward Carson, in an interview, described the new Army order as a farce, for it merely repeats that contained in General Gough's guaranete.

The Observer suggests that the House of Commons and the Peers I should co-operate to amend the Parliament Act, extending the number of sessions over which Bills may be spread. This would enable the Irish and Welsh Bills to be submitted to a general election and proceeded with by the new Parliament at the stage where they had been suspended. The Times, in a leader, discussing the Army's attitude, says: "Not for the sake of Ulster or the party, but for the sake of the King and the Empire, we trust there will be a swift 'termination of the crisis which, if it continues much longer, must seriously affect the moral and traditional aloofness from the politics of both the great fighting services."

Times and Sydney Sun Services. Field-Marshal Earl Roberts took extreme steps to mark his objection to troops being compelled to serve against Ulster. When he learned of the Ministry's plan, he wrote a letter to the King, saying that, greatly as he prize-d the honors and orders bestowed upon him by Ins Sovereign, he would be compelled, if the Army occupied Ulster, to return them to the King, together with his Field-Marshal's baton.

GERMANY AS A FRIEND.

THE DEFENCE LEACUE FUND.

TH* KING AND ROBERTS.

[United Pres* Association.] (Received 9.20 a.m.) London, March 29

Harold Spender, journalist, speaking at Cambridge, said lie believed the German Government kept the British Government informed regarding orders of ammunition and rifles sent to German firms by rebels in Ulster. Thus Germany was a better friend to Britain than those so-called | patriots. The Union Defence League fund is 'now £70,000. Mr Walter Morrison, ex-member of the House of Commons, offered £IO,OOO towards the fund for officers deprived of their pensions. The Sunday Times states that after the King conferred with Lord Roberts, the latter, acting at the King's request, laid his views on the Army difficulty before Colonel Seely and General French. The King, while maintaining a strictly constitutional attitude, mado it clear to Ministers that with him lay the final appeal, and he counselled moderation without resort to desperate measures. The King took counsel with the moderates of both Parties. SEELY AS COLONIAL SECRETARY Times and Sydney Sun Services. (Received 8 a.m.) London, March 28. The Times, in a leader, says: "We have still to hear what the Dominions and the Crown Colonies will say about the reported proposal that Colonel Seely should be unloaded upon them." AUSTRALIAN CABLES. [United Press Association.] (Received 9.50 a.m.) Sydney, March 30. Mr Holman cabled to Mr Redmond: "Australian opinion wholly condemns; disappointment at delay; there are hopes the Irish people will make Ireland a united nation."

Mr Meagher cabled: "Absolutely opposed to the exclusion of Ulster with the consequent pernicious severance of our people." "THE CAUSE OF DEMOCRACY." (Received 9.45 a.m.) London, March 29. Mr Runciman, President of the Board of Agriculture, speaking at Cambridge, said that had the Government given way to the Army officers' dictation, they have aban-

doned the cause of democracy mor« basely than if they assumed the cloak of autocracy. Those who politically engineered the trouble would be the first to regret if they had taught the people to examine the whole army organisation.

Mr William Eedmond, in a letter to the Westminster Gazette, says: "The vast majority in Australia, New Zealand and Canada favor Home Rule. If the Parliaments will set their opinion at nought it will cause the utmost indignation in the Overseas." Mr Redmond asks how many officers ra- _> signed rather than aid Irish evictions ? Mr F. Smith, junr., speaking at the Imperial League, said a supremo crisis had arisen, which justified appealing from the despotism of a corrupt Parliament to the arbitrament of the sword. That alone justified the steps itaken by Ulster, for which the Unionist party and more than half the representatives of England were responsible. He scornfully the suggestion that the Unionists tampered with the Army.

Mr Asquith, the Prime Minister, is in his prime this session, and he is better in the Commons than on the • platform (writes the London correspondent of the Sydney Daily Telegraph). In a sense he is, even at this time of fierce jeligious and political warfare, clear above party. The House as a whole is personally very proud of him. All respect and many love him as a great Englishman, one of the greatest of his breed in this or any other generation. And he is especially to be admired in this season of crisis. His speech at the opening of Parliament was so simple and clear that any boy could follow it; so dispassionate and patriotic that it robbed the big debate which followed of all, or nearly all, of the fire which everybody anticipated. Mr Asquith rose above faction; he regarded the crisis not as one between two great political parties, but as between the British people as and a great external sinister force which threatened that people with disaster and chaos. War in Ulster was unthinkable, but Ireland must have Home Rule. The Parliament Act must be respected—there would be no dissolution. Tho Government was prepared to advance to any reasonable length to meet Ulster. The atmosphere so heavily charged before was instantly cleared. Ministerialists and Oppositionists, and all those in the crowded galleries, because suddenly conscious that if the storm was not passed, the master hand was at the wheel and the haven within sight. The minds of everybody who listened went back to similar crises in England's history, when other great figures had emerged, and all had been well with the nation.