The Country's Policy.
HOME RULE FOR IRELAND.
THE PREMIER’S VINDICATION.
“THE CALL TO ARMS.”
[By Electric Telegraph— Copyright] [United Press Association. 1 London, March 24. Mr Bonar Law read a letter from an officer who was present at the conference. This said that General Paget spoke the words: “Active operations are about to commence against Ulster.. I expect the country will bo ablaze by Saturday.” He assured the officers that lie had tbe War Office’s instructions. Mr Bonar Law continued that it was impossible for General Gough’s dismissal to have been due to misconception, and the country bad a right to know the terras of bis reinstatement. He asked the Premier to say openly that be bad been reinstated on" the distinct understanding that lie would not be asked to use his troops to enforce Home Rule. Those officers who refused on conscientious grounds should be permitted to resign without forfeiting their pensions. The situation had arisen that the Government was attempting to coerce a part of the population without the authority of the electors. Mr Asquith commenced by defining the Army’s duty. They must protect military property, and render assistance if civil power were inadequate to deal with riot or disorder. When Mr Asquith, in his reply, said that officers domiciled in Ulster might resigh', he was asked if similar regulations applied to strikes. Mr Asquith : Yes; it is a good rule where military force is called to assist the civil, to a%mid employing men having domestic ties in the locality. When General Paget received the War Office’s instructions lie assembled the (divisional generals and brigadiers and intimated to them that the movement might cause excitement, and orders might be varied by consequential .supplementary movements. General Gough, ; who was a most distinguished cavalry leader, a man of a very great and well-deserved reputation, and some other officers, interpreted‘General Paget’s observations in the sense of the letter which Mr Bonar Law had read. The officers were now satisfied that there had been a misunderstanding, and had returned expressing their ftill willingness to discharge their duties. The Premier concluded; “It is not the business of the Army and Navy to discriminate between the relative validity of different parts of the,law. If Mr Bonar Law’s doctrine were recognised, the whole fabric whereon, the. law was built would disappear.” Continuing, the Premier said: “If half-a-million men struck for shorter ■ \ hours and better wages, and brought society near to starvation, would officers disobey orders because they believed the men’s cause was just? I protest against the notion that the Army and Navy must ultimately determine the country’s policy’.” Mr Balfour said it was absurd for the Premier to use this conciliatory language while Mr Churchill was blowing the call to arms in Yorkshire. While the Premier was calling out the lire engines to put out the conflagration, he sent his two colleagues to cut the mains and destroy the water supply. It had never before been thought necessary, when supporting the magistrate or looking after small arms to lay down conditions that persons who had relations In the small arms might disappear, and later come back without loss of military reputation. The thing was manifestly foolish. General Gough had been reinstated, though he still said he would not fight Ulster. There were times in history when the ordinary maxims of Government and society must be laid aside. There had been such a crisis in our civil war, the contest with the American colonies, and at the time of the disruptions between North and South. Mr Balfour, continuing, said that such a crisis had been due to circumstances beyond the power of man. If this were the case, it was due to the insane folly of the Governments v refusal to look the fact in the face. Mr Ramsay Macdonald said: “If General Gough was unprepared to do his duty he ought to be dismissed. The syndicalists had, apparently, succeeded in inoculating the Tories with their poisonous views. Hundreds of thousands of trade unionists will say that Army officers are prepared to shoot strikers because they do not sympathise with them, "but will Tiot do their duty in Ulster because of class bias and political prejudices; Lord Morley, in the House of Lords, repeated the ministerial statement given in the House of Commons, and added that the King had approved of General Gough and other officers being ordered to rejoin. Newspapers state that the War Office verbally assured General Gough yesterday that the cavalry would hd required only to assist to preserve la\v and order in Ulster. Ho asked for a written assurance, which was granted, and General Gough agreed to resume. He telegraphed to his regiment that all officers would he reinstated without loss of prestige. The Daily Mail adds that General Gough telegraphed to his officers at the Curragh on Sunday, after his first visit to the War Office: “We found strong support on this side, and believe we shall come through all right if we stand firm.” The Chronicle, in a leader, says:
“It is useless for the Government to tell ns that,- the officers did not strike. We all know they did. The notion raised the question, Are the Army officers to dictate to Parliament what Bill shall not pass. The evil will grow with tolerance, and not a few good judges think that if their places could be filled with other officers who would treat their profession more seriously, it would be a blessing in disguise. The Chronicle’s lobby correspondent states that many Liberals chß- - Oven an appearance of surrender to military influences, and if the Government adopted an iron band and sent tbe resigning officers about their business it would be ranch more agreeable to most of their supporters. The situation in Ireland, lie adds, had been badly handled, and Colonel Seely had not covered himself with glory.
“T.P.’S” OPINION,
(Received 8.0 a.m.) London, March .24
Mr T. P. O’Connor, in a “special” in Reynold’s newspaper, prophesies no developments in Ireland until the Bill reaches the House of , Lords, where some' of Sir Edward Carson’s proposals will be embodied. The House of Commons will reject them .md send back to the Lords, where they will be accepted and the Home Rule struggle will end. THE GENERAL OPINION. (Received 9.20 a.m.) London, March 21. Generals Paget and Gough have returned to. Ireland. The opinion is generally expressed in the lobbies that after Mr Asquith’s speech it is now impossible for the Government to call them away, or coerce Ulster. Many Liberals and Nationalists are disappointed that the Government has not accepted the resignations. Moderate Liberals are debating .Mr Cat-heart Wason’s suggestion. The 'Daily News’ the public want to know the! conditions under which General Gough returned. “Are the conditions unqualified or is it optional obedience,” the News asks; “if the Army is a Tory institution, the Liberals will break it as they broke the House of Lords.”
A CANADIAN CONTINGENT. (Received 8.0 a.in.) Ottawa, March 24. The first contingent of Canadian volunteers for Ulster leave in May. Several Canadian and South African papers urge that a referendum be taken. “THE WANT OF FINALITY.” (Received 8.45 a.m.) London, March 24. The idea of a federal or revolution settlement finds increasing support in several newspapers. Eight Liberals, writing to the Westminster Gazette, says ime Government’s Ulster offer, though statesmanlike and the best under the circumstances, suffers from an admitted defect in its want of finality. The writers warmly advocate the Westminster Gazette’s suggestion, cabled on February 18th as the best means of securing a definite settlement of the whole constitutional question, which could be dealt with during Ulster’s six year period of exemption. A “SCAPEGOAT” GENERAL. The Unionist papers declare that General Paget is a scapegoat and hint at the possibility 'of his resignation. They acclaim General Gough is the “man of the hour,” and one of a band of officers who “saved the country from disaster.”
The Liberal papers declare that a Tory attempt to split the Army has failed, and declare that the limit of patience has been reached. Mr Cowan asked the Premier to consider the exclusion of Ulster pending a general scheme of devolution. Mr Asquith replied that ho was anxious to give the matter the fullest consideration, and the proposal was ■likely to afford comomn grounds of agreement.
CONTINGENT OF ULSTERITES FROM N.S.W.
(Received 9.45 a.m.) • Sydney, March 25. At a meeting of the Loyal Orange Institution it was decided to form a, contingent of sympathisers of Ulster to proceed to Ireland if necessary, and help to defend Ulster. A large number of offers of services was received. The executive also started a fund to supplement Mr Samuel’s donation for assisting the resigning
officers, and expressed the hope rout the King as supreme head of Protestant Britain would exercise his right of veto and make a general election imperative before the Bill receives assent. Berlin, March 23. Newspapers attribute the Irish trouble to the evils of democracy, emphasising \ the dangers of a volun;ary military system. London, March 23.
Lord Charles Beresford, in a letter, says that so long as officers and men are under the pennant they must obey orders. He believes that many r Vi la best will resign, involving a .toppage of pay and pension. 'When die reaction comes he is certain that :he country will restore them to their positions. Sir Marcus Samuel is offering £lO,JOO to start a fund to.assist the resigning officers’ families. ALL DOCUMENTS TO BE PUBLISHED. (Received 11.30 a.m.) London, March 24. Colonel Seely promised to publish all material documents' relating to general Gough’s resignation, and his reinstatement. \ Mr Asquith added that the documents would, include the Written instructions to General Fhget. The vhole question could, be discussed on he second reading of the Cohsolidated Fund Bill to-morrow. STATEMENT BY MR REDMOND. ULSTER-ORANGE PLOT. THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM. klM* 'S'" (Received 12.40 p.m.) London, March 24. The following is Mr .Redmond; s statement to Australian sympathisers ; “The Ulster-Orange plotdnis nowbeen completely revealed: ■ Sir Edward Carson and his army have not. and never had, the slightest intention of fighting as a lighting force against the regulars. They could not hold out o' week. The plan was to put up an appearance of fight, then society influences to
seduce the Army officers and thus intimidated the Government, and to defeat the people’s will. The action of the commanders in some of the crack cavalry regiments, officered by aristocrats, has now fully been disclosed. The plan of campaign raised an issue wider even than Home Rule, viz., whether a democratic Government is to be brow-beaten and dictated to by drawing-rooms in London, and a section of officers, who were aristocrats and violent Tory partisans. The cause of Irish freedom has. in this fight become the cause of popular freedom, order, and liberty throughout the world. There is no possible doubt of the result of such a fight. The second reading of the Bill will he taken on Monday and the Bill proceeded with until it finds a place on the Statute Book.”
NEW ZEALAND RESIGNATIONS.
[Pee Press Association.! Christchurch, March 24. It is stated on good authority tonight that several Imperial officers connected with the New Zealand Defence Department are handing in their resignations as officers in the British Army, on account of the Ulster trouble. One officer stated to a reporter that he was doing exactly the same as he would if he were it Home, and he could not see any reason for acting differently owing to the fact of his being out here. The resignations have nothing to do with their New Zealand appointments.
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Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 80, 25 March 1914, Page 5
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1,944The Country's Policy. Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 80, 25 March 1914, Page 5
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