GERMANY OF TO-DAY.

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 74, 18 March 1914, Page 7

GERMANY OF TO-DAY.

PRINCE VON BULOW'S BOOK. Prince von Billow’s book on “Imperial Germany” was published last month by Messrs Cassell and Co. Among passages in the ex-Charuceilor’s volume are the following:— German Colonial Enterprise. The, South-west African rising marked a crisis in our colonial policy, but also a change for the better. By reorganising the colonial administration, by transforming the Colonial Depai t-, rnent.'of the Foreign. Ministry, and' above all by arousing a lively compre- [ Tiension of our tasks and aims in the j colonies, we succeeded at last, during ■the tenure of office of the Secretary! of State Herr Deynburg, in getting our J colonial policy off the dead centre. f i':, Anglo-Cerman Relations. I A conflict between Germany and, England would lie a great misfortune for, both countries, for’ Europe, and for mankind in general. i Ever since the day when I undertook the affairs of the Foreign Office 1 have been convinced that such a conflict would never come to pass (1) lf . we. built a fleet which could not be attacked without very grave risk to the attracting party; (2) if we did not, I beyond that, indulge in undue and unlimited shipbuilding and armaments, ! and did not overheat our marine boil : er; (;l) if we allowed no Power to injure our reputation or our dignity; (4) if we allowed nothing to make an irremediable breach between ns and England.. That is why I always repelled any impertinent attack which was likely to hurt our feelings as a nation, 1 from ivhatever quarter it came, but resisted all temptations to interfere ill” the Boer War, as it would have dealt English self-esteem a wound, that would not heal; and (5) if we kept calm and cool and neither injured England nor ran after her. The fact that the danger of an armed ion Act between England and Germany iseetried very imminent in the summer if 1911 by no means indicates that ■the struggle is only postponed, and not terminated. i

If, on the one hand, there are opoosing interests in Germany and Eng--1 and, On the other they have very vital interests 1 in common. And, in truth, the danger to English supremacy at ;ea. . . and sea power belongs only to the sphere of possibilities—of -rather of imagination—and not to the realm of, tangible realities. All Germany to-day 'is imbued with the idea of the necessity of having a navy. From the * most pronounced agrarians among the Conservatives to the extreme wing of the democracy, there is no radical opposition to German naval poley. Our relations with ,England require particularly .firm and steady handling. We desire amicable and even friendly relations with England, but we are hot afraid of hostile ones. In.'tlie course Of her great world policy England has hardly found any Great Power bar her way less often than the (/erman Empire. This fact lias not escaped the English in spite of their anxiety about the German navy. ... France. ■;. ..-.Hi • ■ Frapce ..would attack us if she thought she were strong enough; England would only, do. .so if she thought she could not defend her vital economic and-political interests against Germany except by force. When we consider our relations with France we must not-forget that she is nnappeased. So far as man can tell, the ultimate aim of French policy for many years to come will be to create the necessary conditions, which today are still wanting, for a settlement with Germany with good prospects of success. If we soberly realise this truth we shall he able to adopt a proper attitude owards France. Indignant tirades against the incorrigibility of the French are in very bad taste, as are futile attempts to propitiate therm The German “Michel” has no need again and again to approach the coy beauty with flowers, in his hand; her gaze is riveted on the Vosges. Only an acceptance of the irrevocability of the loss of 1871 can accustom France finally and without restriction to the state of affairs fixed' in the Peace of Frankfurt.

Home Policy. It is one of the German’s greatest political, virtues that discipline is bred in his hone. But the Social Democrats'* make use of this virtue. Only in a State where the people are used to discipline, where they have learnt to obey nnqnestioningly. in the army, and where they feel the rigid regulations of the administrative machinery daily and, hourly, could a party organisation of such size and solidarity as that of the Social Democrats come into being. a . . Xo nation in the world possesses, or has ever possessed, a like or even a similar party organisation"’