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PREMIER ASQUITH

HOME RULE FOR IRELAND.

“COCKPIT OF BRITISH POLITICS,”

[By Electric Telegraph—Copyright] [United Truss Association.] London, October 26. In his speech, Mr Asquith said there were two obvious reasons why ail patriots should desire a settlement by consent. Firstly, it was supremely important for Ireland’s future well-being that her. self-govohimeut should not start with the apparent triumph of due section, however preponderant, and the apparent humiliation of another. He believed the ties binding Irishmen together would eventually prove more durable and effective than the differences which seemed to keep them apart, but it was worth paying a considerable price to secure that the unifying and consolidating process should have a fair chance. Secondly, it was well from Britain’s and Ireland’s viewpoint that whatever was done should be regarded by both parties as resting on a solid foundation and capable of future development and amplification, hut it was essential that it should he beyond the risk of electoral and party vicissitudes.

Treldnd for far too long had been the cockpit of British politics. Xothing could bo worse for either than that the Irish question should continue to be a regular party battle-cry. Both Britain and Ireland had affairs calling imperiously for close and undivided attention. He believed that the growing sense of such considerations had produced in the last few months a perceptible change of the political atmosphere. Proposals had been put forward in good faith and goodwill for something of the nature of a formal conference of party leaders, but a conference without more or less defined limits was almost certain to prove abortive, make matters worse, and defeat the hope of a settlement. They did not need the machinery of a conference but if there was a genuine disposition in all quarters, for the interchange of views and suggestions, free, frank and without prejudice he invited such an interchange, in which ho and his colleagues were ready to participate. PRESS COMMENT. H ; The Observer (Conservative) considers that Mr tAsquith wtfs exceedingly .dexterous) <f)nd that}* his offer would test the strength anyhjudgment of the. Opposition leadership. Mr Asquith had gone as far as it was reasonable his opponents could expect, and ought to be met* with, the same moderation, dignity and skill. The -Northen Whig, a Belfast paper, says: “If Mr Asquith persists in carrying out the policy enunciated in the Ladybank speech, the resulte will lie to drench frehiud v#th blooded shake. Britain to the I'SnndWti’on. Tne speech will only stiffen the, determination of Lister Trotestaute.’’; London, October 27. The Morning Post asks for funner elucidation of tlio Government's views. It contends tnut the exclusion of Ulster, even temporarily, will involve a recasting of the Bill, it declares tliat the Unionists are unable to assent to such an agreement unless it is first accepted by the Irish Unionists, and they shall be furnished \\;ith guarantees that it will not be re-embodied in the Bill for the preservation of the unity of the Kingdom.

The Daily Telegraph says that it has vainly searched the speech fur the healing word the nation .so eagerly expected. The situation is practical Jy unchanged. The Daily Chronicle hopes that the Unionists will agree to a normal interchange of views, ft adds that unreasoning extremism is now found only on the one side, ft remains to be seen whether, or how long, that side will continue thus to be dominated.

The Irish Independent says that if the speech is capable of interpretation the Government is willing to adjust the Ulster problem by the temporary exclusion of four countries. The suggestion will not he acceptable.

The Daily, Mail says that the exclusion of North-East Ulster would be disastrous to Ireland and itself, but the Liberals are prepared to yield much for the sake of opening a now chapter in Irish history, with the consent and benediction of all parties.

The Daily Mail’s Parliamentary correspondent says that Mr Churchill’s qualification when speaking of the temporary exclusion of Ulster an<| Mr Asquith’s insistence on the eventual unity of Ireland are possibly due to a desire to impress the Nationalists with the idea that all depends upon themselves, and that they should have sufficient faith to own their good intentions and accept the temporary exclusion of North-Past Ulster, believing that their future deeds will convince the excluded portion of the value of entering Dublin’s orbit. With the fate of tin 1 Plural Bill in the balance, Mr Asquith does not want to lose the Nationalist support. On they other hand Mr Redmond does not want to start a Dublin Parliament with Ulster rebelling. These considerations give some hope of an ultimate settlement bv consent.

FURTHER CRITICISM, (Received S.O a.m.) London, October 27. Belfast is increasingly incensed at Mr Asquith’s speech. The Unionist leaders are unable to check the discontent at what is regarded as a wicked and treacherous betrayal. Volunteers mny number 100,000 and

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/STEP19131028.2.22

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXVII, Issue 48, 28 October 1913, Page 5

Word count
Tapeke kupu
816

PREMIER ASQUITH Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXVII, Issue 48, 28 October 1913, Page 5

PREMIER ASQUITH Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXVII, Issue 48, 28 October 1913, Page 5

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