“FULL STEAM AHEAD!”

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXVII, Issue 25, 30 September 1913, Page 5

“FULL STEAM AHEAD!”

HOKE RULE'FOR IRELAND,

REDMOND’S VIGOROUS SPEECH.

[By Electric Telegraph—Copyright] [UNITED PREBB aiBSOGIATIOJS.J London, September 29. Mr Redmond received an ovation at a great demonstration at Cahirciveen.

He declared, in responding to ad dresses, that nothing was more certain than that the people were on the eve of liberty. Sir E. Carson, Lord Londonderry and Captain Craig were busy on the Nationalists’ side, but only as humorists, reminding one of the childj'en’s game of “let us pretend.” They resembled so many Poo Balls, The whole agitation in Ulster was a gigantic absurdity. The Nationalists were silent while their enemies were shrieking Carsonite threats in desperation due to a/consciousness of failure. Lord Loreburn’s suggestion had served "to bring out the implacable and irreconcilable character of the Orangemen’s opposition. Mr Redmond added that unless Unionists conceded the principle of on Irish Parliament and an Irish executive responsible thereto, he would not agree to a conference. He added: “Our ship is at the harbour’s mouth, the glass is set fair, and the orders are ‘full steam # ahead.’ ”

Mr Redmond, in a special interview with the Chronicle’s representative said that the Nationalist© would go straight on. They did not intend in the moment of victory to throw the whole business into the melting pot. Asked concerning a general election between the passing of the Bill and the date of its joining into operation, he replied that it was unthinkable. .It would be stupid and cowardly. * Mr Redmond proceeded that he was perfectly satisfied that the Government never had, and has not now any sueh intention. If it did appeal to the country under such circumstances it would be appealing under the plural voting handicap, which must never again lie accepted in a great political struggle. His forecast was that the Government would go the full length of its tether, pass the three great measures of Home Rule, Welsh disestablishment and plural voting, and then proceed to the problems of the .Lords’ reform and redistribution, which were the’most likely questions On which’ the country’s next verdict would be taken. Sir E.. Carson’s provisional government was a crassly stupid idea', involving, aihong many drav.-t backs, the reaggregatioh of' all Imperial grants. . ! U ■ ~ Pj;io}i ; ,tp Mr Redmond’s meeting, the ,np]lapse f of a section of platform prfe-i W'ipitate ( d -a hundred, including Mins Redmond, to the ground. Nobody was injured. iim.es—Sydney Sun Special Cables. London, September 29.

The Times, in a leader urging the Nationalists to consent to a conference, says that they have not yet realised that Ulster is moved by one of those debp-elemental unreasoning passions, .which, always in the end upset the' calculations of ‘ The result 'of ?: such an ’ dicploSion can Only be a disastrous legacy of racial sectarian hatred in Ireland-and a profound reaction in Britain from the policy

provoking it. (Received 8.35 a.m.) London, September 29.

Sir Edward Carson describes Mr Redmond’s conference as no offer at all.

[United Press -Association.] Sydney* September 29.

Sir J. S. McCaughey denies having cabled authorising Sir E. Carson to draw to an unlimited extent on hitbankers. He says, that he forwarded a cheque by letter. He adds “I cabled no money or authority to draw on my bankers. That would be too much and might break me.”

McCaughey is the richest pastoralist in New South Wales.

In an address at Newbliss just before the last mail .left, Sir E. H. Carson said: “Believe me, nothing will stave off this abominable conspiracy against your rights and liberties so much as the Government knowing that down to the last man you are organised, and not only organised, hut determined to resist to the finish. There is not a man in the House of Commons, from the most extreme Nationalist down to the most extreme Radical or Labour man, who did not now admit that if the Home Rule Bill of 1893 had become law Ireland would long since have become a bankrupt country, instead of being in a state of prosperity she now enjoyed. I often wish that Mr Redmond would for a moment get up and imagine that he was Prime Minister of Ireland, and that he would come forward honestly and boldly and tell us what his programme is. Most important of all, I wish he would bring in his Budget, and I wish he would tell the farmers who have bought their holdings how he proposes to treat them. Is he going to tax the land, and, if not, where is he going to get his revenue? Is he going to tax the industries of Ulster, and, if not,

where, again, is he going to get his revenue Sentiment is a fine, a grand thing. I myslf honour a man who acts on sentiment; but we are not prepared in a matter which does not satisfy sentiment to run the risks of gambling with our property. Believe me, if this hill ever becomes law in any part of Ireland, it certainly will not in Ulster. Thei‘e will be for those who have promoted the measure, and also for those who may he duped by it, a day of reckoning and a day of reaction. For my own part, as you know, I have made up my mind, and nothing can change it. I am determined, so long as God gives me health, to go on to the end.”