AUSTRALIAN LABOUR.

Stratford Evening Post, Volume XXXII, Issue 71, 19 March 1912, Page 8

AUSTRALIAN LABOUR.

THE POSITION TO-DAY. "Without discussing tlic industrial merits of the Brisbane strike now ended, one may dispassionately sum up gains and losses of the contending parties—united labour and united employers—and strike a balance, says the Sydney correspondent of the “Lyttelton Times,” under date March 9th. It is a balance heavily against labour. First, on the political side, the strike has alienated many possible supporters of labour; particularly among the farming classes, and not only in 'Queensland, but in a lesser degree throughout the Commonwealthi. The alienation lessons the labour chance of success at the coming Queensland Parliamentary election. Second, on the economic side, the strikers have lost irrecoverable wages, and by the disorganisation of industry and the stoppage of maritime trade „to Queensland and Brisbane have struck a blow at the general prosperity upon which future wage:partly depend. Doubtless employer: have been injured, -but tho injury U employers will react on labourers—not upon the strong unions o-f privileged labourers, but upon the weak ant struggling unions that are less abh to resist pressure. In addition, uniox funds have been depleted to suppon the strikers.

Third, on tlio industrial side, tin strike has failed to secure the ohjeef originally aimed at, the compulsion of the Tramway Company to perm i its employees to wear a union badge The .Federal Arbitration Judge ha.* indeed upheld the theoretical righ of the tramway employees; but tin strikers’ places are now filled by em ployees who do not wear badges, s' that practically the decision has m force in the specific case. The judg meat may In? over-ruled by the Hig] Court on general grounds. Fourth, the failure of the genera strike has greatly strengthened tin ■hands of Brisbane employers as r class. In their bargains with lab ourers many who formerly were rnlot by the unions arc now upholding tin principle of the “open shop.” Tin associated unions have lost power am prestige, and will have to do an enormous amount of union “spade work’ before they attain the position in which they were before the strike. Political power, money, indnstria' power, in these tilings the strike ha? been a loss to labour. On the other side there is nothing. The community and capital have suffered too, yet i, does not pay labour to inflict loss 01. the community and ii]>on employers when a strike fails, and often over, when a strike succeeds. But th< strike has emphasised labour’s ; strength. It has been made clear that : labourers; and not employers, contra, the shipping trade of the Common wealth; and that nothing bub a pit died battle for free labour in ship; and on wharves will shift the Inborn control. That pitched battle may yet be fought, hut not while the Federal .Government is directed by labour, and the direction of the State Governments'is divided by labour. With, the Commonwealth, New- - South Wales and Western (Australia in line -againd them, shipowners could only .submit. The general strike was lost, but tht niuiit.mo strike won. It was apparent that the port of Brisbane could have been closed indefinitely, or until the Queensland Government assisted non-union snips to carry goods. And even then trade with Sydney and h icmantlo might have been impracticable. , Australia probably escaped a general maritime strike only by the opposition of the official Labour Party. Whatever the issue, such a strike would have ruined the political chances of labour. This was understood by the more cautious leaders of the party and their influence was chief among the influences that ended the strike. The Federal Government hopes sincerely to avoid further occasions of quarrel before next year’s election. Since labour has shown'that it can capture the legislative and executive power, strikes represent strategically the depth of folly. But in some districts and in some industries the poetical line that should be the party’s motto, “Learn to labour and to wait,” is almost inevitably disregarded. Broken Hill, for instance, the third town in New South Wales, is a Socialist township. Labour rules; all wage-earners are collected in unions; and employers humbly do as they are bid. The mines, on which the town depends entirely for subsistence, are protected by a Federal arbitration award favourable to the labourers, and the official Labour Party enjoins observance. Miscellaneous employers are ruled by the unions—and compensate wages with prices. During the recent hotel-workers’ strike the strikers wore reported going into hotels and forcibly dragging out nonunion workers; The hotel-keepers were beaten; they now run union hotels at union rates, with every employee watched and approved. But they take their revenge in liquor and the price of liquor. Prices rise with wages, and in the end labour pays. A wage of £3 IDs a week at Broken Hill is not worth £2 10s a week at Sydney. At Newcastle hostilities threaten because the colliers are apparently resolved to abolish the afternoon shift and the mine owners are resolved to maintain it. The easy life intrudes again. Labour is an unfortunate necessity, but at least we should do as little as wo can and that under the most agreeable conditions. Eight hours in the morning, then, so that the task may he got over speedily and the afternoon and evening may ho free. You cannot properly enjoy yourseif in tlio morning with the

thoughfc of afternoon toil to make you gloomy. So Newcastle and Maitland mines have come down from three shilts to two shifts, and now they are to come down to one shift. At one shift a day there should be enough work to go round, because the demand for coal should always be in excess of the supply of labour. The mineowners naturally want things the other way. Limitation of output does not pay them. So battle is joined once more, ill- is a case for partisan opinions. If the miners can gain their point they arc , entitled to gain their point. Economically and nationally, of course, the whole scheme of limited output is false and disastrous. Australia wants more workers, not fewer; more work, not less; the speediest development of the largest possible amount of natural wealth. But in practice, theory is supplanted by class wishes or necessities. The ideal of a .statesman give ifla.ee to the realities of political and industrial conflict. The New South Wales Labour Government maintains its place and credit. It is exceptionally fortunate in having only discredited Parliamentary opposition; the best man in the Labour Party is the Opposition leader, Mr C. G. Wade. The Opposition press and party support Mr Wade partly because they do not see how to do any better, and partly because they do not know how to do any better. Apparently they can find no decent men, no worthy men, no able men willing to sacrifice time, business and pleasure in the pursuit of State politics. Patriotism has its limits. Consequently, Mie State Assembly has been degraded something between a boar-garden and a drinking saloon, with interludes of circus, and the superiority of. Labour is manifested by the inferiority of its antagonists. The Ministry has several capable members, and evidently lias determined to remain in office as long as possible. A State Coal Mine Bill was recently introduced, with flattering references to Now Zealand, but it is unlikely to get past the Legislative Council. The Council found the vital points of the new Arbitration Bill and struck out preference to unionists and the appointment of wages board chairmen by the Executive.. Tbo Ministry is not strong enough, to force the points and lias not the least intention of repeating the blunder of the South Australian Labour Ministry, risking defeat on an appeal to Britain. Nor does .it dare to swamp the Council ( with Labour nominees. The Ministry is marking time, preparing for the election, wooing doubtful votes with political bribes. Religion is. always a. political force in New South Wales,; and Labour’s object now is to win the decisive support of the Homan Catholics without alienating its Prolie,stant supporters. Quite- possibly it’ will succeed; ; Its election chances at present are .excellent. ■ s' 1 '-Ur:. !' : ■ , • .Ilf. j ... , I 1 ■ si ls.iiif:s , . . . '' l ' ' 1,1