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THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST IN AMERICA.

The following resume of the situation in America with regard to the contest for the Presidency, is from the pen of the New York correspondent of the Sydney Mail :— Looking over the field, then, vre have practically four parties, though of very unequal strength. Ist. The Regular Eepublicans, committed to. the re-election of General Grant, and comprising about threefourths of the Republican vote. 2nd. The Sorehead Republicans, pledged to defeat the re-nomination of Grant in the Republic Convention, and possibly inclined to form a coalition with the less violent among the Democrats, if a new independent candidate can be found satisfactory to both parties. 3rd. The 'Possum Democrats, including at the lowest estimate half of the Democracy, and who, convinced of their inability to win the election by a square party fight, are willing to accept any kind of a candidate at all, if he will only make a reasonably fair trade with them for their support. 4th. The " Bourbon" Democracy, so called, because, like the Bourbons, they neither learn nor forget anything, who Btill hope that by keeping the party together, they may in the course of the next century or two, succeed in converting the entire American people to such doctrines as the sovereign power of each of the States, the right of succession, and the patriarchal purity of slavery. It is easily seen from the above list of forces, that the Grant party is infinitely stronger than either of the others — perhaps even a little stronger than all the others put together, though that is doubtful. Now, already the second and third — the " Sorehead" Republicans and the 'Possum Democrats — have agreed upon a fusion if — mind, if— the Convention at Cincinnati to be held by the former should prove a success — that is if it Bhould muster a strong array of names, adopt a compromise platform, and select as its standard bearer a man popular both with the politicians and the masses. And «if this fusion be effected, it is hoped that the pig-headed wing of the Democracy will recognise the folly of running an independent ticket, and will give their votes to the combination candidate, because though perhaps by no means the man they want, he will be at any rate infinitely more satisfactory than General Grant. If such a programme be carried out, the President will, in my opinion, only be re-elected by the skin of his teeth, and may possibly not be reelected at all. But we must wait and see what is done at the Cincinnati Convention before anything can be predicted as to the future. Should that body break up in a fight — I am speaking figuratively of course— there is no doubt whatever that Grant will be re-elected. You will observe that hitherto I have said nothing about the principles for which these various parties are fighting Well, the truth is that, in common with most other citizens of the United States, including newspaper men, I am not at all clear about what they are myself. The principal planks in all the platforms are the same. First comes reform, and all parties, even what is left of the local Tammany democracy, " solemnly pledge themselves to reform the corruption that stains every department of the public service," &c, &c. ; you can guess the rest. More particularly, each party also pledges itself to Civil Service reform — that is to say, a fixed Civil Service corps, on the English model, in which removals shall only be made from office for bad behavior— not, as at present, for political defection. Then all parties believe in the reduction of taxation, but when was there a part that didn't ?— at least in its platforms. The only important question of principle raised, as yet, is as to the rate at which the national debt shall be extinguished. In three years, G-eneral Grant has paid off 300,000,000 dollars of the debt, and his opponents contend that this is much too fast, and pledge themselves to paying off only about 25,000,000 dollars per annum. Aod the opposition Republicans also say that a President should only have one term of office, but that is scarcely to be called a principle. The fact is, there are no great issues before the country upon which to divide. That we have been on the whole well and wisely governed by the Administration cannot be disputed. Never before was industry so flourishing ; the millionaire and the laborer are alike wonderfully prosperous, each in his degree. The foreign policy of the Government, too, though in some cases erring, in the opinion of many people, on the side of peace at any price, has in its results been eminently successful. But then, while the Government has generally been good, we all see a great many serious abuses which need to be remedied, and which perhaps can only be remedied by the removal of General Grant. One great grievance is the shameless nepotism of the President. Like most Americana — for there can be no more absurd delusion than that American families are not prolific — he has several hundred relatives, and of these no less than fifty odd have been appointed to positions in the public service. His father is a postmaster, one brother-in-law is a sort of grand usher at the "White House, another brother-in-law is Collector at New Orleans (50,000 dollars a year), tbe husband of his wife's sister is Minister to Denmark, and so on through an almost unending list of cousins by blood and by marriage. This speaks more for the good-nature than for the good sense of the President, and, coupled with his frequent acceptance of presents from his political friends, has loaded him down with a heavy burden of popular contempt. He has also shown a decided preference for military men as against civilians — a very natural prejudice, perhaps, in a successful general, but one which haß injured him very seriously

among the politicians and newspaper men, if not among the people — and he is daily abused on the stump and in the press as the chief of a military ring. Then again and lastly, his personal habits are not exactly those of the member of a Methodist Church in good standing. He has a passion for fast horses and trotting matches ; he is not averse to a game of billiards, or even, so it has been whispered, to a bout at draw-poker ; and, on occasion, he can be very convivial indeed — altogether too much so for the wholesome coolness of his head the following morning. But that is the end of his weaknesses ; he has been, in all other respects, a good father and husband, and chief magistrate. And as to his honesty and integrity and patriotism, there is no doubt in any impartial quarter. Those even who wish to displace him do not say that he ia a very bad President, i j but simply that we ought to have a much j better one. -

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18720716.2.18

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Southland Times, Issue 1606, 16 July 1872, Page 3

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,169

THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST IN AMERICA. Southland Times, Issue 1606, 16 July 1872, Page 3

THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST IN AMERICA. Southland Times, Issue 1606, 16 July 1872, Page 3

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