MR CALDER'S MEETING.

Southland Times, Issue 1587, 4 June 1872, Page 2

MR CALDER'S MEETING.

Laafc evening Mr W. H. Calder, M.H.R., met his constituents in the Theatre Royal. There was a fair attendance. The Mayor (M"r W. Wood) was voted to the chair, and briefly referred to the object of the meeting, requesting those present to remain till the close for the purpose of recording a distinct expression of opinion. Mr Calder, after apologising for the circumstances which prevented him from meeting his constituents last Monday evening, said that though he approved of the practice of members meeting their constituents, he was not like a representative living out of the district, but living among them, and known to most of them, he could always be consulted on any subject of interest. There were things now going on in the colony, regarding which it was particularly desirable that the public should be informed — things which would materially affect the future, perhaps not the distant future,, of every settler now residing in New Zealand. Without going the length which Mr Bell did when he said that the colony would either be raised to great prosperity or landed in irretrievable ruin, he believed that the present policy of the Government would either increase the prosperity of the colony or retard it for a long time, according as it was administered. To go into details at once : last session a Bill was submitted in regard to the union of the provinces of Southland and Otago, the provisions of which, carefully drawn out by the parties interested, he considered the Government were bcund in honor to* give effect to. But he soon found that it was hopeless for a private member to carry out such a measure successfully. However, by the efforts of himself and others, the most important part of that Bill, relating to Laud Transfer and iSupreme Court business, was accepted by the Government, and so passed without opposition. The last session, on fc'ie whole, was unsatisfactory; there were too many new members. The order paper was crowded with notices. The real business of the session was delayed till the last. The majority of the members had been elected on one cry — Public Works and Immigration — or, in reality, money to expend. Such a Parliament was likely to disregard everything but the one subject on which it had been elected. The grand question would be— Was there money to be speat, and who could get a portion of it ? As a consequence, parties became confused. No one could tell how things would go, till the Government brought matters to a crisis by calling a meeting of their supporters. He never was an enthusiastic supporter of the Government policy, but the country had endorsed it, and he went up with a moderate desire to assist the Government in carrying it out — connected with no party, he looked at what was best for the country at large, but he soon came to the conclusion that be could not honestly fall in with the crowd hanging on to the Government policy for whatever they could get. A prominent member of the House had said to him that there was nothing binding them together but the " golden chain," and that broken they would fall iuto a hundred pieces ; and this he believed was true. No dependence could be placed from day to day on the position taken by the Government. Any course of policy announced to-day might be withdrawn tomorrow under pressure exercised behind the scenes. He thought that New Zealand as a rule had far too many clever men for her rulers. There had been too much scheming always on hand, and he feared from the configuration of the country this might always be the case. It was difficult to know the feelings of our fellow-colonists, and when they met in the House, their views were found to be as different as the several divisions of the country. This would take a long time to remedy. There were many questions of importance to come before the Assembly next session, but that which was to the others as a mountain to a grain of sand, was the question of our financial position. (Applause). It came to. this — could the colony go on living beyond its means at the rate of £300,000 a-year ? To this coarse there could only be one end. A i time would come when the money would

1 not be forthcoming, and from their own experience in Southland, they knew what the result would be. The opposition last session was formed solely on financial grounds. Ib comprised men of all shades of politics, desirous to check the extravagance of the administration. The grand scheme under which the colony was now laboring was thus described by the Colonial Treasurer, who was the leading spirit ot the Ministry : — " Every member has constituents whom he represents ; he will be justified in assuring them that the measures we propose will benefit every person in the community, from tho highest to the lowest, from the richest to the poorest. They would lead the colony to prosperity, and enable them to do justice to its splendid resources." This was the bey-note to these grand schemes. But how had they been carried out? In 1870 there was a surplus revenue of £5000. When the new Parliament met in 1871, there was a deficit of £136,000. This was not all. There was under the Loan Act an expenditure for Defence of £160,000, making an excess of nearly £300,000. This method of providing for Native expenditure by loan, he had never approved, because a great deal of that expenditure represented ordinary police services in the districts where it was laid out, while the whole colony had to bear the charge. The expenditure on Native matters now was nearly as great as in time of war. Last year, in a state of profound peace, nearly £200,000 was voted for that purpose. While there was a deficiency in the revenue, tho sound policy was to equalise .the revenue and expenditure ; and theoretically, this policy was admitted by the Government. But how did they carry it into practice ? By the issue of fresh Treasury Bills, maturing in two or three years, in addition to £500,000 of Treasury Bills already in circulation, to which au amount of £90,000 was added to meet the year's deficiency, besides another item, £60,000, supposed to represent money paid into various branches of the Bank of New Zealand from Customs and other sources from week to week, and allowed in the head office as an overdraft. This was also provided for by Treasury Bills, and the Government authorised to contract another overdraft to the same amount — • a measure to which he gave his most ■ strenuous opposition. The worst feature of all in the financial policy, was that the interest on the loans for Public Works was coolly charged to the loans about to be raised. This course he considered absolutely outrageous, and could not for a moment countenance it. He was just as much in favor of public works and immigration as any man in the room. They were essential to the progress of the colony. Without the appliances of modern civilisation, the country could not progress. Superior means of communication were required to enable a country to compete with others, and without a steady stream of immigration, the country would really be going back instead of advancing. But for this very reason he looked with extreme jealousy on the proceedings of the Ministry, fearing that the resources of the colony would be wasted before the objects were attained. At the end of last year, the whole of the loan which had been negotiated last year had been either expended, or liabilities had been incurred on its account. Without being far wrong, he might state that the best part of two millions had thus either disappeared or been engaged for, and what had they got to show for that amount ? Had they twelve miles of railway in operation, or more than 2000 immigrants ? If the balance of the loan was to be characterised by the same result, he need not predict the position they would occupy when the whole was expended. The provision for immigration, he had always looked on as defective. They ought to appeal to the feelings which actuated the great majority of those who in the British Islands desired to emigrate. These feelings were ceutred in the acquisition of land. On no other ground would they be able to induce a free and voluntary stream of immigration from Great Britain. (Applause). But that was not the course which had been taken. The inducement offered was labor on the public works, instead of the American plan of free grants of land. This idea he looked on ias utterly preposterous. The immigration policy had been a dead failure. The Agent- General had to go to Germany, Sweden, and Holland, and even if he had succeeded in these countries, that was not the kind of iramigratioa_the colony had a right to expect. He had nothing to say against the inhabitants of these countries — far from it— but the way in which they were being sent out by contract with a private firm afforded no security for a desirable class of immigrants. They might even be selected from those classes of foreigners which they would not accept from among their own countrymen. Immigration at the rate of 10,000 persons a-year had been promised, but nothing like it wa3 likely to be realised. They were for seven years to have £50,000 annually spent , on the outlying districts ; but the first year's £50,000 was all that was ever spent } and instead, £100,000 was taken out of the Railway Loan, of which onehalf was secured by provincial influence for general provincial purposes, and the outlying districts were left out in the , cold. In this he could not see the slightest justice, but it had secured _ political support for the schemes of the Ministry. The allowance of 403 per head was also used as an inducement to acquiesce in their schemes ; but, the acquiescence secured, the 40s became 15s, and next year would probably be nil, or perhaps even a 1 claim on provincial revenues for colonial loans. The Customs and Stamp duties, it was promised, would not be increased for three years, but last session a most objectionable addition was made to the Stamp Act, which however as it had yielded no increase of revenue, was, he believed, to be repealed. There must be some- limit to the amount of taxation which the colony could bear, and he

believed that limit had been nearly approached if the colony was to maintain its position as a field for settlement. New Zealand had had too many clever men ruling its destinies, who had been in the habit of devoting the public resources to the furtherance of their own political purposes. The result would be that the great bulk of the money now being raised would be found to have been expended within very narrow limits indeed. This island would have reaped less of the fruits, such as they might prove to be, than the other. The Middle Island contributed nearly two-thirds of the entire revenue, but nothing like a corresponding expenditure was proposed. He possessed no means of estimating the relative expenditure in the two islands, but the ; surveys for railways were estimated to cost for the North Island £6800, and for the South Island £5000 ; and he calculated the probable expenditure might be in something like the proportion shown by these figures. With respect to the effect of the Government policy on the provinces, it was clear that Otago for one had been driven to the course of selling lands in the Hundreds, such as those on the banks of the Mataura, at the low price of 10s per acre, land which comprised the finest territory now remaining in the Province, and which was now likely to be swept off in large blocks at a reduced price. This, too, would be at the very time when the land was about to be made more valuable by railway communication, and when they were looking for a stream of immigration to provide the country with intending settlers. There was no doubt that the gentleman at the head of the immigration department, however impartial he might be, belonging to the Province of Wellington, and authorised by a Government which was essentially northern in its sympathies, would have a bias in favor of the North. If there were any more Colonial Fieldings knocking about, they were sure to be sent to the North Island. As things were worked now, they were not likely to get any more of the good things going than they could absolutely wring out of the administration. It had been said that an attempt would be made next session to roll back the whole scheme. But for his part he did not believe it. There was a degree of hungriness about the various members on behalf of their districts, which would induce the G-overnment to keep the expenditure rolling as long as they could, for the purpose of dispensing to their supporters a share of the good things as long as they lasted. Such an attempt he thought would now even be unjustifiable, and even wrong, but he thought it would be right if they could by any means introduce prudence and economy and foresight into the management of the public resources. In regard to the Brogden contracts, he was opposed to them both, the large one and the small one, on the ground that all contracts for public works ought to be open to competition. No ruler ought to have the power to make private contracts. But he was further of opinion that many of the works could be undertaken by capital within the country. There were men in the colony, he believed, who would have contracted for these works on lower terms than we were likely to have from the Messrs Brogden, living at a distance and obliged to make large allowances for risks and uncertainties. If the four million contract had been signed, he believed they would have been delivered over soul and body, financially, to the tender mercies of that firm. They had to take care that they were not contractor- ridden, and engineer-ridden ; and if the public works of the colony were not more judiciously managed than they were at present, this would yet be the case, and the end would be most disastrous. Mr Brogden himself had said, at Queenstown, that when he came here he expected to be asked to make lines of utility, notlinespromotedby log-rolling influences. He scarcely knew what Mr Brogden meant by log-rolling influences, but he would say that the only ground on which the construction of a line could be justified was the ground of public utility, and by no means because political influences tad been brought to bear. This element of political influence was conspicuous in the Public Works Bill of last session. A Board of Works was proposed, to be free from political influence, and what was the freedom? The President was to have £1000 a-year, and five members £500 ayear each, and they were to be empowered to constitute sub-boards all over the country. Every member of the Board, or of the sub - boards, might be a member of the Legislature. That was freedom from political influence! The very proposal was suflicient to prove that a political demoralisation had set in which boded no good to the future of the country. It was nothing less than a plain and unblushing attempt on the part of the Government to purchase wholesale the members of the Legislature. He would further add that no scheme, however good in itself, could come to any good result unless carried out by the unremitting care and attention of those to whom its conduct was entrusted. Imperfectly superintended, and carelessly directed, it was sure to bear bitter fruits. Now what had been the conduct of the Government? When the session was over, every one of the Ministers left the seat of administration, and allowed matters to take care of themselves. He hoped that this would not be repeated next session. It behoved those who were at the head of affairs to steer the ship, to stand by the helm, and to see that the vast interests ' entrusted to their hands were not neglected. (Applause.) The question that ueed to decide the. fate of Ministers '■was the. Native question; now it was the Public Works policy. He did not regret this change, but the Native question was still important. The present Ministry took the credit for the existing peace, ■which he really believed was the result of the sound thrashing the Natives had received from their predecessors, and he deprecated the idea of dust being thrown

in the eyes of the public by seeking to brand the previous Government with the odium of what was called " a gunpowder policy." Theeducation question was not, he thought, likely to occupy the attention of the Assembly to any great extent. The Ministry personally seemed to be rather half-hearted about it. Mr Yogel, the leading spirit, took no interest in social questions whatever. Mr Fox did, but it would not be made a cabinet question, and for that reason a measure was not likely to be passed next session. This he did not regret, believing that any measure passed by the Assembly would be inferior to that which we now possessed iv the province of Otago. He was entirely opposed to the denominational system. (Applause). It was the duty of the State to provide foreducation, and that duty they had no right to hand over to others, as would be done by Resistance to aided : schools. In thinly peopled districts it was impossible to secure efficiency if the funds were to be frittered away amon? various schools, when one well appointed school would suffice. A great deal of useless nonsense had been talked about the religious and the secular theory. He would prefer the permission to read the Scriptures, with a conscience, clause, but to avoid disputes, he would be willing to leave the various school committees throughout the colony to adopt the course they saw best, always avoiding sectarian teaching. Any enactment expressly excluding the reading of the Scriptures he looked on as illiberal, so long as the great majority of the people were willing that they should be read, without sectarian teaching, and at such times as might allow of the absence of those children whose parents might prefer that course. He was sensible that he had trespassed a long time on their patience. He was aware that he had not the rhe- ; torieal skill required to present his views in a pleasing manner, but he had given as fair an account of his opinions as he was able, and he was now willing to answer any questions which any one present might desire to propose. In reply to Mr Rutland, Mr Calder said that lie was not in favor of a poll-tax on the Chinese, or indeed* on any human beings whatever. He was in favor of the ] Permissive Bill. Mr Pratt said that he trusted the elaborate financial statement with which Mr Calder had favored them would afford them some matter for reflection on the position of the colony. He had not been able to see what the colony had got for the money which had been spent. After some further remarks, he moved — " That the meeting having heard Mr Calder's explanation of the course pursued by him during the late session ofi Assembly, desires to express its approval of the same." Seconded by Mr Buchanan. Before the motion waa put, Mr Baxter Pyke wished to know if Mr Calder would support a Bill which prohibited the reading of the Scriptures in schools. Mr Calder replied — Certainly not. It would be as illiberal as to prohibit the j reading of the history say of Greece or | Eome. j In reply to a question put by Mr ! Borne, Mr Calder said that the penalties j for the breaches of the Californian Mail i contract had not been enforced as yet. i The motion was then put, and declared j carried unanimously, and the meeting terminated with the usual vote of thanks to the chairman.