PARIS.

Southland Times, Issue 1569, 26 April 1872, Page 3

PARIS.

(fhom oub own cobbespondent.) February 7. So the capital of civilization has not been considered worthy of the Assembly's company. Fortunately, Parisians have their attention occupied by the political play of " Rabagas," and weighing the merits of Dumas the Second as a statesman, based on his profound knowledge of the "half-world," and his ability in handling dramatic adultery. The citizens have anything but riotous looks, and being deprived of artillery and chassepots would not be in a position to break through the Swiss guards, that the Assembly could he ltre round tlie late Corps Legislatif or Palais Bourbon — either name being given to the house of Parliament, as the speaker is imperialist or legitimist. It was not so much the adverse vote, as the spirit in which it was given, that is to be deplored. The motion might have been adjourned and the pain thereby lessened, but its summary rejection was a blunder; any deputy that endeavored to say a good word • for the capital was hooted down like a malefactor, as if an adversary must be ever in the wrong. The President of the Assembly kept ringing his bell for ten minutes before his unruly scholars would condescend to listeu to him ; the duration of this tinkling is the safest measure fora storm ; when it continues unheeded for quarter of an hour a hurricane rages ; when it exceeds this, the President commences to feel for his hat, and out of sheer fatigue puta it on his head — the last scene of all. It is worthy of remark, that the 3LO deputies who voted for the return of the Assembly to Paris, reside at present in the city — striking proof of constancy and consistency, combined with a shrewd knowledge of social advantages. This vote is pregnant with danger; it says to the world Paris ia unsafe — prenez garde — and the maintenance of the state of siege confirms it ; the metropolitan press is exasperated, and leads the fashion to treat the Assembly with indifference ; and above all, it affords the Bonapartists a choice weapon, who already recall the splendors and wealth of the capital under the " "tyrant " — they joke now with this charge — knowing well that human nature is influenced by its interests rather than by its sym pathiep. M. Thiers is not absolved for his reticence on this question. It was felt that this was a case where he might have spoken to advantage without giving his resignation. Formerly, he threatened to make a Stai'-chamber matter of this dispute. He has certainly trimmed here, to guard the support of the " rurals " for his protectionist views. It is a case of caw me and I'll caw you. He has been

punished where he sinned, for the moat sterling member of his cabinet, Home Minister Casimir Peri«r, has resigned, finding bin project for tlie return of the Assembly to Paris defeated. He has loyally inaugurated something like parliamentary government, by bowing to the majority. It poiuts a moral and adorna a tale. It is clearing up the confusion as to where authority commences at:d control ends. Tt is the decuion of the Assembly, and not the wishes of M. Thiera, that is upheld. The precedent 13 established, and so >n a fi'-w other ministers will (in I their occupation gone, M. Perier faithfully represents the decision auJ inflexibility of his father. H : a short tenure of otSce left behind the evidences of real statesmanship. Whom the-gpds love die young. He pursued "Richelieu's maxim of being iuexorable towards the bad, to be more generous for the good. General Trochu voted against Paris ; he has many reasons for disliking the city ; on every wall he can read with his mind's eye the hand- writing — " Tekel." On the morning of the fourth September, 1870, he vowed to the ex empress on the faith of a Breton, a soldier, and a Catholic, to defen I her. Punioa fides. That afternoon, he was the colleague of Kochefort and G-ambetta. But the conduct of the Orleiniit princes Was more reprehensible. Fully aware the debate was the order of the "day, they preferred to hunt ; while their party in the Assembly voted to a man in the majority. They subsequently send a note, that if they had been present, they would have "voted with the minority — against their followers. No one believes them — intrigue, surprise, equivocation, form the heritage of that family, Tallyrand, when embarrassed in. diplomacy, always went away to hunt. Admirable representatives these princes, who so lu>tily complained a few months ago of being unable to servo the electors, and now, when in the Assembly, shirk every vital question, by neither speaking nor voting. Their miitisin is seen through. After voting against free-trade, the Assembly annuls its decision by authorizing M. Thiers to denounce the treaty of commerce with England in case she will not give France her fiscal liberty by sanctioning protectionist tariffs. The government asserts, despite every proof to the contrary, that free-trade has ruined the country, but they are too loyal to remedy the evil by resorting to protection. Credat Jtidaus. la presence of these inconsequences and flagrant contradictions, of a spectacle so demoralizing, what can the people think ? This chaos of discussions, where nothing is clear and precise, is destroying confidence, engendering scepticism, developing contempt — who to beKeve-, who to listen to, is the difficulty ; and ministers, taking their wishes for realities, with uncured levity, lead the nation to believe, that all countries united commercially with France, will out of pure benevolence forego their advantages before the expiration of 1877, when the last trade treaty ceases legally. If the treaties do not benefit the foreigner, French manufaotuvora Uvo nofcklng to complain of; if they do, foreigners will hold by the bond. !•» their impudent and adventurous financial policy, ministers will only demonstrate their helplessness, while compromising the dignity of France, and alienating from her not only the sympathies, but the riches of the world. 1 It does not look well to see the new law as promulgated, striking refined, as well as raw sugar with an increased tax, when the Assembly specially exempts refined sugar from the new impost. The debates too as reported in^the Journal OJficiel on this subject, look to have a cooked air. The road to protection is unhappily a difficulty less in the way of the im* perialists. Thanks to the Assembly, France learns the existence of all the bad books m circulation, and so powerfully aids their circulation. A short time ago, it was the " Holy Almanac " of the Commune ; at present it is the " Popular Catechism of Republicanism," where justice is represented as superior to man, which marry will subscribe to, and that " morality has nob been taught to man by revealed religion," which we may leave to the Left to applaud. The " Catechism" infers an amount of abstract knowledge on the part of the working classes quite refreshing, although resembling that definitioa of metaphysics — one person expounding what he does not comprehend to another who does not understand. It would be better to steer clear of an index expurgatorius. Then^ we have had a discussion on the comparative merits of revolutions. One orator considered Spartacus, Tiberius, Felix Pyat, and the Bonapartes as birds of a feather, and that in all probability some Yitellius was nowengaged with the destinies of France. Mrß"ara»non, the big-gun of the Legitimists, improved the occasion by giving sledge-hammer blows to the Orleanists, and passing knocks to all political enemies. Poor France! A chiffonnier 1 8 reflection on 1871 — " Never was a year more prolific in garbage." _ -