The Southland Times. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 18, 1868.

Southland Times, Issue 1075, 18 December 1868, Page 2

The Southland Times. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 18, 1868.

It has ldng'beeh acknowledged by leading politicians in New Zealand and the Australian colonies' that the time would come when a federation should be indispensible . ; to the progress of each colony. The great discrepancy in the tariffs of the various colonies has for a long period been a source of annoyance and irritation, and has prevented in a measure that friendly feeling and close- relationship which should exist between the different portions of the Australasian group. Two attempts have been made by the assembling,, of .delegates ... from each colony to frame a reciprocity treaty — to lay the foundation of a future federation — with but' little 'success. At the first conference the main question considered was immediately connected with the bor. der duties dispute between Victoria, New South "Wales, and South Australia, at which New Zealand was not represented. This resulted .in little more than all parties agreeing as to the desirability of union and one tariff as far as intercolonial commerce was concerned, but as to the. manner of securingthat unanimity none were prepared to show, and although a mongrel sort of contract was made, it has proved totally inadequate to meet the end contemplated. The second conference had particular reference to the Panama Mail "service, in which this colony: figured most, prominently. The result of its deliberations did not prove satisfactory. No two colonies agreed to the proposals made by the New Zealand delegates. Victoria refused to be a party to the contract, and the" whole burden of estabhshhig'this mail service ', was left to New Zealand and. New South "Wales. The invitation, however, to hold a third conference^^this - - time comes from * the New Zealand -Government, and it has been received by the different Governments in Australia. The ostensible object — the chief one at least — is to discuss the plan sketched out in the report of the Select Committee; on the tariff recently presented to the .New .Zealand, Parliament, and if "possible to adopt" a system Of i inter-colonial free-trade without inter- J

fering with the general protective policy { of Victoria. The ' Argus,' in discussing ' the subject, points out that the difficulty '• to be overcome is the great difference in the amount of Customs taxation per head in the various colonies. This is unquestionably the first item of moment. We find that the Customs taxation in South Australia is £1 3s 3d ; in Tasmania £1 5s 8d ; and in New Zealand £3 16s 9d. The writer shows that the difficulty is more apparant than real, and easy to be got over. He says : — " It has been found, not merely in these colonies but in almost every country, that spirits, wine, beer, itobacco, sugar, tea, and coffee, are more ieasily taxed than any other commodities, lland that the duties on them furnish a isteadier and larger customs revenue than has anywhere been obtained from other goods. In Great Britain, in 1867, out of a total customs revenue of £22,434,775, no less than £21,396,083 was derived from the seven articles just named. A similar result, found in each of these colonies, as will be seen by the subjoined ~ftgTiiie«a r --wbiob Rhosc_J3ie_ total— custom s revenue, the amount derived from the seven articles named, and the per centage of the entire revenue which these articles supply 5— [Total Cus-f ~ „„ fPer Cent. Toms Re- /, ™ s a*e of the venue. Whole. £ £ per cent. Victoria ... 1,388,218 959,241 960 New South Wales ... 783,338 579,920 740 South Australia. 206.543 146,781 705 Queensland. ... 283,366 215,562 760 New Zealand.... 844,267 683,940 81-0 Thus from 70 to 80 per cent, of the customs revenue of each colony is derived from these seven articles. If, therefore, there be no serious discrepancy in the rate of consumption of these articles in the larger colonies, and if a uniform tariff i in regard to them can be agreed upon, * three-fourths of the main difficulty in the way of a customs union will be got over, and the remaining difficulty will only relate to 25 per cent, of the revenue each colony derives from customs." The Conference is to be held in Sydney in the early part of next year, and from the tone of the press in the Australian Colonies it would appear that public feeling is strongly in favor of the adoption of a uniform tariff, and co-operation in all such undertakings as are of general importance. The question of postage; the establishment of a line of large steamers between Europe and the Australias, capable of bringing large numbers of immigrants at greatly reduced rates, and vastly increased comfort, ''- -vvhT-Ibfm~lnatter for - discuasion. The latter subject is second to none in 1 importance in this as well as the sister colonies. The project has its origin in Victoria, and the government of that colony is so favorable to its being carried out that unless the other colonies desire to participate in thebenefits to arise, it will most likely undertake the enterprise single-handed. New Zealand is perhaps more deeply interested in the result of the Conference than any other of the . colonies. She wants immigrants, and a cheap and speedy system for bringing them from the old country. Her Postal Service, owing to the sudden stoppage of the Panama line, is disjointed, and there are other matters which will be brought under review of great moment at the present time. It is to be hoped, therefore, that the Government, in selecting delegates, will wave all party feeling, and appoint the ablest and most cosmopolitan statesmen in the colony.

The war policy of the Stafford Government is hard to be understood. There is no question but latterly an effort has been made to increase the colonial forces, and active measures have been taken to check and punish the rebels. Still, the wisdom of the policy now being pursued is open to grave question. But few can coutemplate the drawing from their homes and business northern colonists, undisciplined and indifferently officered, to engage a blood-thirsty, desperate, and unscrupulous enemy, when other and more effectual materials could be obtained by being asked for, without feeling that there was some mistake being made. Self-reliance is admirable in the abstract, but it may be j carried to the extreme, until its exercise j becomes impolitic and censurable. A conviction is gaining ground that tbe General Government, by refusing to invite the assistance of the Imperial troops now stationed in the naighboring colonies, are permitting personal feeling against the commander of the forces, Gestebai, Chute, to lead them to adopt a line of. conduct, the most injurious. We have the authority of the Australian press for stating that the Governors of the colonies in which imperial troops are Stationed, are ready and willing to send assistance as soon as they are invited to do so by the New Zealand Government. But with an obstinancy unaccountable, Sir Geoege Boweit, no doubt at the instigation of his advisers, neglects to

seek aid from sources from which efficient help might be obtained, while . stringent means are being adopted to enforce the military services of the colonists, at a very large cost , to the colony ; to employ raw recruits, im- ; perfectly armed, when well drilled and . equipped men could be got. la an article in tbe c Argus,' on the evils likely to arise from the course the Government is taking is fully diseased, which the following paragraph occurs : — " A.s tbe colonists have no practical arrangements whatever for quelling the revolted tribes, the Imperial authorities will need to interfere. They are sure to do so in the end, and they ought to do it at once, before any more disasters and disgraces are added to the list. They should send one of their Indian officers to conduct the war — one of those men so numerons on the Indian frontier, who are fruitful in resources, and conversant with the tactics of wild tribes. Meanwhile all the regular troops available certainly ought to be employed. They are not organised for bush fighting, but^ they would be steadier than the Colonial levies, and so would help to train them ; while for attacking fortifications they are of course indespensible. It is monstrous to see undisciplined companies despatched upon such a service." Again, by the following extract from a letter from Sir David Monbo, addressed to a Nelson paper, on the proper course for New Zealand to pursue; it will be seen that the feeling in favor of the suspension of the constitution, and the establishment of an undivided Imperial rule in the North Island, is strongly advocated, and we may add his views are endorsed by the leading politicians in Southern Provinces, as well as in those of the North. He says: — " I should advise the colony by all means, and at any sacrifice, to get rid of the management of native affairs — for a time, at all events. I have come to this conclusion partly for reasons already given, but chiefly because, under our existing institutions, I despair of good government. With a different form of government it might be otherwise. But while provincial institutions exist and draw their supplies from a revenue raised by another body, and produced by indirect taxation, I see nothing for New Zealand but strife, weakness, financial embarassment, and failure generally. My idea is to memorialise the Queeu. I would set before her the present position of the colony. I would point out to her the dangers that threaten us, and 1 would tell her of the awful atrocities that have been^ committed. ..._ I would tell her— what j we have done to endeavor to fulfil the task that was imposed upon us. I would represent to her that the difficulty is toogreat for us, unaided, to cope with ; and I would ask her to extend to us that assistance and protection which her subjects in every portion of the Empire have a right to claim. But I would on no account invite a repetition of the proceedings of three or four years back, or a second conflict between the Imperial and Colonial authorities. If we are to receive assistance from Imperial troops, it is unreasonable to suppose that these troops shall be under the ordeis of the colony. There must be no division of responsibility a second time. Let one party undertake the undivided management ; and, as it can be none other but the Imperial Government, let the entire control be centred there. We, of course, must bear our share of the cost of the necessary operations. We cannot expect to receive the services of soldiers raised aud paid by the British taxpayer without paying some reasonable contribution towards the expenses of the force. I would advise the colony to be liberal iv its arrangements in this respect, and to be prepared to pay a good round sum. It will be the cheapest and best thing it can do ; and if the colony pays liberally, the British people who grumble at present, will become reconciled to the employment of their troops. But the colony should have nothing to do with the conduct of the military operations, or the policy to be pursued towards the natives. Its liability should be considered as fulfilled when it had paid a stipulated sum of money. New Zealand, at all events, under this system, would know the ulti- . matum of its liability. Under its own management, and with our existing form of government, the liability is utterly indefinite, with every probability of its involving us in national bankruptcy. But I would go further than merely asking the Home Government to resume to itself the control of native matters. Ttie country is, in my opinion, in most imminent danger, and likely to be so for a considerable time. I would ask her Majesty to send, out a commission to inquire into the state of the colony, and to report to her upon it; and I would ask her to clothe that Commission with the most ample powers. I should like to see it authorized to suspend the Constitution for a time in the North Island, and to assume the position and the vigor of a dictator.. It is no time, when armed

bands of murderers are marching through a. country, and the flames of blazing ( homesteads are reddening the skies, for a ' discordant Parliament to be wrangling and coming to no result. Action, and f not squabbling, is the fhing-that is wanted , now, and action supported by all the >' strength and promptitudo of authority - concentrated within a narrow compass. i Parliamentary institutions imply, as a necessary element of their existence, time and delay. They imply, also, publicity. ( But in a country in a state of civil war, • with life and property in a condition of '. utmost insecurity, these are the very ' things to avoid. "WTien the existence of a country is in danger true patriotism and public spirit are shown in the readiness to surrender for a time privileges which, however invaluable in time of peace, are unsuitable to a time of war."