CEISIS IN VICTOEIA.

Southland Times, Issue 979, 3 July 1868, Page 3

CEISIS IN VICTOEIA.

The political war now raging in Victoria is one in which every British colonist is more or less interested. Its commencement was simply local, but during the three years of the agitation that has been carried on new phases have been presented, with great rapidity, and now intestine differences have been mellowed, and local bickerings have to some extent been swallowed up, in the indignation felt at' Imperial interference in colonial legislation. The American War of Independence opened the eyes of British statesmen to the fact that emigration did not destroy the love of liberty that had rendered their ancestors powerful and renowned. Since that memorable period xio dispute has arisen of any magnitude between the Imperial Government and the colonies — no dispute assuming the character of determined opposition to Imperial interference— until now. The Canadian dependencies have had their grievances, and secession been talked of ; New Zealand has suffered from Imperial misrule, and has strongly protested against the dictation of the Secretary for the 'Colonies in the conduct of its internal affairs ;and the same may be said of the colonies of New South Wales, Queensland, and others ; but until now no stand has been made that could be construed into a determination on the part of the people of any colony to insist upon enjoying the privileges of responsible govern- * ment in its integrity, and to force the Imperial Government to acknowledge that, in ord«r to maintain a : friendly connexion, the younger branches * of the family must cease to be considered : . under leading strings after having proved they are capable of governing themselves. The position taken up by the people of * Victormthroughtheirparliamentaryrepresentatives is bold and determined. The address of the Assembly, in reply to the i/rice-regal speech of His Excellency Sir '" Hehby Mahnebs Suttoit, moved as an , amendment to. that of the Government, iras a document couched in strong and ' somewhat defiant language. It was a pledge on the part of the people of that j colony to resist Imperial interference in colonial legislation. The very large : majority of the Assembly that voted for _ r the M'Cum.och amendment — a majority that may be said to represent nine~l tenths of the people, has resolved to endure for a further period all inconveniences rather than allow the interference of the Crown to curtail the | rights of the House of' Assembly. At a distance we may possibly be able to form a more impartial opinion upou the crisis than those who are in the midst of the strife. In every sense of the word the existing complications in Victoria are much to be deplored. A reform in the constitution is no doubt desirable, bat it appears strange that the liberal party should have taken the extreme course •■ they have done during the crisis. The confusion and governmental disorganisation arose, in the first instance, from the ! [', Assembly adopting an unusual course in - order to compel the Council to sanction a '" protective tariff. The "dead-lock" that v, then ensued was simply a colonial dispute between the two Houses of Parliament, and the then Governor, Sir Chjlbles iU Dablhto, sided, or appeared to side, with the Assembly. The Imperial Government "was appealed to, and virtually censured the conduct of the Assembly by his immediate recall. From this time the dispute became one of a still more serious character: the Assembly were indignant at the conduct of the Imperial Government in thus interfering with what it deemed, a purely colonial affair, and to mark their disapprobation roted £20,000 as a gift to Lady Dabling, and endeavored to force the Council to pass it in exactly the same form and manner as had led to the first dispute between the two Houses. We cannot ' but think that the system of rewarding colonial governors for siding with a party, howevsr popular that party may be, in opposition to, or without clear instructions from head-quarters, would be a bad precedent, and calculated to lower the dignity «ad integrity of Her Majesty's colonial representatives. Taking this Tiew, we cannot but regret that the loyal liberalists (M'Cui&och and party) have taken up the position they now assume, a position that means separation from , Britain, or a full acknowledgment of the supremacy of the Assembly over the .'' Council and the Governor. The time has - not come for Buch an idea to be adopted by the neighboring colonies, or the ' thoughtful portion of the people of Victoria themselves. . The termination of this dispute is much to be desired. The- longer it lasts the more complicated it will become. It would be the extremest folly for Victoria to seek separation unless backed by the other colonies, and these colonies' will ; not at present mix themselves up in any dispute with the Imperial Government -„.;, ,that may arise in Victoria. The question ,_ must be decided there, and the only politic „ course to.be pursued appears to be such as will get rid of the bone of contention

—•the Dabling Grant. Both Houses of Parliament are alike interested in defining more clearly their own powers, and also the relationship that exists between the colonies and the Crown. The most sensible course of action appears to be for the Assembly and the Council to consent; to a compromise, and settle internal disputes, and then unite in the reform of the Constitution. Both Houses desire that reforms should be carried out, and a clear understanding come to as to the position the Secretary of State holds with reference to colonial legislation. But before this can be accomplished their own quarrel must be settled.