LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT.

Southland Times, Issue 911, 6 March 1868, Page 2

LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT.

We present to our readers the debate which look place last Council on the question of local solf-gerernment. As it is somewhat lengthy, we purpose continuing it in our next :— Mr PEiBSON rose and said— Mr Speaker, before moving the resolutions which stand in my name on the Order Paper, it wDI do necessary for me to detain the House some little time, while I explain my reasons for introducing the motion. The subject 01 local self-gOTernment can be viewed in two aspects, general and locaL The first as regards the colony as a whole, the second as to that section of it called the Province of Southland. I will first treat of it in its general bearing. Moat honorable members must be aware that at the birth of the colony it was found impracticable to colonize it from "a common centre, the physical conformation of the two islands precluded the possibility of such; with the meagre resources and imperfect appliances then at the command of the General Government, internal communiction was impossible — that by the sea-board was uncertain, tedious, and dangerous, being carried on almost entirely by small coasters. Thus various settlements wereplanted at different point* on the seaboard, most of them by private^ enterprise. Soon it became apparent that it was necessary to have recom-se to some general power and like all young British communities, however unripe for the exercise of the powers of self-go-vernment, a clamour was raised for a constitution. Whoever has read the Constitution Act cannot but conclude that the intention was to clothe the various Provincial Governments with purely municipal powers ; not create them sovereign and independent states, with a federation similar to that of the United States ; — if any doubt exist on this point, it must be removed by the perusal of the correspondence between Sir George Grey and the Secretary for the Colonies on the subject. Unfortunately, the Constitution Act came into operation during an interregnum; Sir George Grey had left, Col. Browne had not arrived. At the first session of the Assembly the Superintendents of the various provinces, most of whom had been returned, accompanied by an army of local officials, Provincial Treasurers, &c, determined, and not unnaturally, that whatever was the spirit of the new Constitution, they would arrogate to themselves as much local power as possible. All being actuated by the same feeling, I it became a question of mutualiccommodation— in other words, to use one of the wise and pithy saws of a canny nation, " Scratch me, and I wdl scratch you." And they scratched one another to such purpose, that the intention of the Constitution was entirely contravened. This very excess, however, as is invariably the case, produced a consequence opposite to their intention. Wise and sober politicians, unwilling to gratify the thirst for local power at the expense of the coloay, became alarmed, hence the Centralist party was created. At the session of 185S it had assumed an organisation which enabled it to re-obtain for the General, some of the most important powers which had been seized by the Local Governments. Since then the battle has been carried on with varying success, till I sincerely trust the victory in favor of Centralism will shortly be determined by the Assembly. Wow, Sir, it appears to me that the worst phase of the system of Provincialism is this constant battle in the General Legislature. Members go up to the Assembly, not with the view of calmly and dispassionately legislating for the good of the colony as a whole, but with the avowed purpose of securing as much 01 the loaves and fishes as possible for their respective provinces. Thus an Assembly, which socially and intellectually is superior to any legislative body in the Australasian group, is disgraced by the unseemly spectacle of what is termed " log rolling ;" and so long as Provincialism exists, so long will the degradation continue. It is the natural consequence of the system. Every * member in Wellington feels that the eyes of his constituency are fixed on him, to see what he will do — not for the general welfare, but their individual interests. He knows what treatment he has to expect when he returns to them. If any doubt; on this point exists in his mind, it has been determined by the conduct of the people in a neighboring province, where recently the disgraoefiil exhibition of popular injustice was paraded against one of the ablest politicians in New Zealand, a man of undoubted integrity, unimpeachable probity. I refer to Major Richardson on his return to Otago from the last session but one of the Assembly. And what was the reason for this petty ebulition of spite ? At that time Taranaki had the honor of being represented by Major Richardson in the Assembly, and because he, as representative of that province, consulted the interests of his constituency, and, at the same time, the welfare of the colony, by taking an enlarged and colonial, instead of a contracted and provincial view, he was subjected to treatment which, while in reality conferring honor on him, seeing from whence it came, covered the province with disgrace ; while the only excuse the people of Otago could possibly have for expressing an opinion on the Major's conduct, was- the fact that he had invested considerable sums of money in the Province, and had previously devoted his time and talents to the conduct of its public affairs, having filled the highest positions in its government to its great advantage. Now, although such treatment could have little effect on a man like Major Richardson, unfortunately, men of equal firmness and independence are not in the majority, and consequently such conduct on the part of a people has a demoralising tendency on its Representatives ; it turns them into political hacks to be ridden by the popular passions and vices. Therefore, I say the principle of Provincialism is a vicious one, and deserves to be swept away. The amount of political power presently intrusted to die hands of the provinces is too great, and is liable to be abused by every charlatan whose sole stake in the province consists of having a few hundred pounds of floating acceptances which he is prepared to dishonor at the first favorable opportunity. It exercises a vicious effect on the General Government. No premier can afford to sail the ship of state to the best advantage for the colony ; if he wishes to retain office he must consult every provincial breeze, the stronger the wind the more must he deviate from the straight path. Thus, the interests of the weak are sacrificed to satisfy the craving* of the powerful, each province looking to its members to obtain as much as possible at the expense of its neighbors. So far from proving a band of union, each session of the Assembly proves it is one of discord and separation. So far from such a system tending to niake New Zealand a great colony all experience has proved that the reverse is sure to ensue. Ten years experience was sufficient to prove to the United States of America that to be great they must be thoroughly united, more so than they had at first contemplated, hence the . Constitution Act. superseded the articles of confederation. To quote Mr Anthony Trollopes' words on this Bubject, in his work on ISorth America — " But tbe eompactbetween the different States, made by the articles' of confederation, and the mode of national procedure therein enjoined, were found to be inefficient for th« wants of q

peopls, who, to bs great, must be united in foci as well fts name. The theory of the mosi democratic among the Americans of thai dav was in favour of self-government earned to an* extreme. Self-government was the Utopic which they had determined to realise, and thej were unwilling to diminish the reality of the self-government of the individual states by anj centralisation of power in one head, nr in one Parliament, or in* one set of ministers for the nation. For ten years, from 1777 to 1787, the attempt was made, but then it found that a stronger bond of nationality was indispensable, if any national greatness was to be regarded desirable; indeed all manner of failures had attended the mode of national action ordained bj the articles of confederation. They were giants in those days, not| pigmies. Men who had thrown off the yoke of the greatest maritime nation in the world ; who had learned the first great lesson in government, that of governing themselves, their own passions and prejudices, who with a passionate love for local self-govern-ment, after a little experience had the good sense to acknowledge their failure and be content to sacrifice their individual aggrandizement for the benefit of the nation, and admit that tha lictors fasces were powerful so long only as the bundle of sticks was firmly united. If 9uch men as Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, andFrantHn, learned from experience that the nation to be great must be united, and were content to waive certrin stato rights for the public weal, I think we cannot do better thau be guided by their opiaion. There are not many statesmen in New Zealand who can be considered their superiors. And mark you, Sir, at the timo of the confederation, the rights of the individual states were clearly defined, wliile the powers of the President and Congress were as distinctly marked. Here we havo a Constitution^ Act which can be and is read in a different spirit by diflerent factions. The centrists say the provinces never were intended to enjoy any powers greater than municipal ones ; this the provincialista deny. Thus the Assembly is the arena for a continued conflict, the one trying to repress the already exaggerated powers of the prOTincss, the other to obtain still greater. The consequence is an instability about the Central Government which operates, unfavorably commercially on every portion of the colony. Ihe system also engenders a feeling of Jealousy between each province ; instead of entering " into a firm league of friendship with each other for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare," experience has shown that the misfortunes of a part is a subject of gratulation to the whole. When this province was in the throes of its ; difficulties the whole press of New Zealand was jubilant ; even the little abortion Marlborough had its tiny kick at us. If such are the feelings resulting from 'the provincial system the idea that If ew Zealand will ever be the Great Britain of the South is a chimera to be indulged in by romancists. I have not introduced the subject of a separate government for the two Islands, simply because the present condition of the colony, its financial arrangement, preclude the possibility of a separation, and I hold that at the present conjuncture of affairs it is of imperative importance that we should deal practically with the question. I shall be told by my hon. friend the member for Riverton, (Dr Hodgkinson), that in America a similar form of local self-government his existed for years, that it is a cheap and effective form of administration, and that the states are very jealous of any interference with their rights on the part of the G-eneral Government. In the first place each state started as free, independent, and sovereign within its own dominions, with the rights and duties of the General and Local Governments clearly defined j we did not ; consequently I cannot consider the analogy by any means perfect. As regards its .moral success, to again quote Mr Trollope, "It is well known that politicians find their way into the Senate and into the Chamber of Representatives solely with a view to the loaves and fishes. The very word ' politician ' is foul and unsavoary throughout the states, and means rather a political blackleg than a political patriot. It is useless to blink this matter in speaking of the politics and policy of the United States. The corruption of the venal politicians of the nation stinks aloud in | the nostrils of all men." If such is the result of democratic institutions in America, where they have had a fair and lengthened trial, I, aB a humble unit of the commonwealth of New Zealand, decline accepting America as my model. The America of to-day, and that of Washington's time, are aB widely apart as are the two poles asunder. And I believe it is her form of government which has compassed so lamentable an end to her bright day dream of 1777. And now, Bir,* to treat the subject in its local phase. As I have once before remarked in this House, this province began its young career under more favorable auspices than any other province in New Zealand. The lands are fertile, its grazing capabilities are unsurpassed by any in New Zealand, the natural configuration of the country aided in cheap roadmaMng, the main lines being along flat lands. Wo have had such a number of chances thrown at our feet one would feel inclined to believe in the old legend, that some good fairy had presided at the birth of the province, and come to our assistance in every difficulty ; but we would not. Although I have little hesitation in asserting that this province is even now in a more flourishing and atable condition than most of the provinces of New Zealand — indeed, second to none, I maintain that it ought, if properly handled, to be in an infinitely superior condition to that of any ; and I believe that the system of Provincialism is the cause of its not being so. I will first review its present financial position. I will take as my basis the Report of the Committee of the General Assembly on the subject of the construction of the Northern and Eastern lines of Railway in the province. I find it estimated that "The amount payable on Provincial Debt is ... £27,000 " Colonial expenditure, Procharged about ... 8000 £35,000 "Receivable by Colony, being half probable consolidated revenue ... ... £20,000 "Pasturage rents ... 8000 28,000 " Probable annual deficit, to be defrayed out of Land FundbeforeSouthland can receive anything fn>m that source ... ... 7000 This for interest of debt and General Government purposes. The expenses of provincial administration is estimated at £12,000 a-year, while the provincial revenue raised by the Council is supposed to yield £9000. Thus at leaßt £10,000 must accrue from land sales before a penny can be expended on roads or other public works. If the land sales progress favorably, well ; if not, we must shut up the public offices and send the key to the Colonial Secretary. It is a matter for your consideration whether you concede the proposition at once, or remain to be forced into it. While I feel convinced that during the present year, the land fund will fully realise our anticipations, I am equally convinced that the attempt to continue the Provincial form of Government, with an uncertain andfluctuatingrevenue, will prove afailure. And now politically, taking a retrospect of the past, two questions present themselves. Can the Provincial Council do any good ? Has it done harm to the community ? As to the first, the Council got alarmed at the conduct of the late Superintendent (Dr Menzies), during its sixth session in 1864, and took its first stand. It passed during that session an Executive Council Ordinance, curtailing and defining the powers of the Superintendent, also a ilepreaentation Ordinance, Sot the purpose of appealiug to the counny, in reference to the Superintendency. This was the most important work of that session, one to which the Council liad devoted its most earnest attention ; the result being that the Superintendent took no notice of the wishes of the Council, further then stating that as he disagreed w-ith it on those nuestioas be You'd not fo?«urd the Sills for th.o Governor b assent. .At the uoil session of the C'ouocilj the Superin- j

tendent met it without an Executive. > Fair, just, and liberal overtures were made to him by the Council, but he doc-lined them, and determined to act independently, and in direct opposition to their wish.-s ; which was evinced hy his i*etaining in the public service whose salaries were not voted in the Appropriation Act, passed by the Council with the view of reducing official expenditure. Thus, it would appear that a Provincial Council is powerless to do good even if it wishes if Nor is f !i« case of Southland peculiar. Almost every ;niperintendentin New Zealand has, at on ■: rims or other, set his Council at defiance. Profitless for gooi has it proved itself baneful for harm ? In the time of our greatest depression, when it seemed useless to dream of finishin? the Northern line of Kailway, our good fairy came to our rescue. Before the Bluff Harbor and Invercargill line was opened, -we had two offers from "a contractor, one to finish the Northern line for a lease of it and the Bluff Line, the other for working the latter, which offers I will now read. At the last session but one of the late Provincial Council, I moved for the appointment of a Committee to enquire into these offers, to see if it was not feasible to have constructed by private entor- ' prise a work which the Government was unable jto perform. I nominated tho ablest and most efficient men in the House. To my surprise the | motion was lost. The wonderful obtuseness, the ; astounding incapacity whioh.eould refuse to entertain such a proposition staggers belief. It has been since stated in excuse by some of those who opposed it, that the motion was brought forward at tho end of the session. The statement, Sir, is as false as the judgment which rejected the proposition. The Council met on the 14th of January, 1567 ; I brought forward the motion on the 17th, aad the House was not prorogued till the 2nd of February. Two or three evenings were spent twaddling about an Education Ordinance, which every member must have known would, if passed, prove abortive, simply because the Government had not the funds wherewith to carry out its provisions ; while a matter of such importance as the construction of a great public wort, at no cost to the state, was passed over, as of too little import. Had there been no impediment in the shape of a Provincial Council, but an agent appointed by tho General Government, this work, which will now cost 60,000 acres of land, would have been done for nothing. {To le continued.)