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SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.

&ELA.TIOXS BETWEEN THE GENEBAJ& AST) PROVINCIAL QOTEKIfMEirtS. The resolutions proposed by the Otago Executive, respecting the.relatiqns-which-ought to be established between the General and the; Provincial Governments^ were at length passed without division. Nothing could be more significant of the extent to which Middie Island politicians are drawing together than the general tone of the debate, and the absence of division at the end of it. Ifc is true, the resolutions are somewhat indefinite in expression and suggest no specific measures. But this is done, as we think, both intentionally and wisely. It is sufficient merely to pave the way to terms of agreement between parties who have hitherto stood aloof, that it points out the main object to be aimed at, and the general course which requires to be taken. The relief of the Middle Island from all further responsibilities on account of the natives, and native affairs of the North Island is the great object set forth in these resolutions. To our apprehension this is but a poor bargain for the Middle Island to make. We have sacrificed two millions of money in these Northern wars, and our only satisfaction is to be that we Snail not be roquirocl to sacrifice any more. Now, we do not conceal our strong conviction that really and justly the Middle Island provinces have as complete a title to a lien over the lands conquered from the Maories as the Provinces within whose boundaries these lands may be nominally situated. Whatever proceeds might be obtainable from them are chargeable with a proportion of the expenses of Canterbury, Otago, or Nelson in the native war, as justly as they are chargeable with the expenses of Auckland or Taranaki. Nothing can be clearer as a matter of law and justice ; and it is a question whether it is always wise or politic to surrender a right because it does not seem to be a very valuable one. More might be made to follow in its train than we might be altogether willing to allow. But it is surely too much to expect of us that we shall con--sent to be fleeced any more without the slightest prospect of return. Notwithstanding the comments which have been made upon our views with respect to the appropriation of the general revenue, we see no reason to change them. Of course, the threeeighths which the Provinces receive are but an approxomate average of the amount returnable to the several Provinces under the Surplus Revenues Act. But -we presume it is because it approaches that average very closely that it has been adopted. As between ourselves and our Otago neighbors, it would surely be a scant measure of justice, were the two Provinces to receive exactly threeeighths of their revenues, without any adjustment at the end of the financial year, while perhaps the one Province had twice the amount of general revenues expended within its borders that the other had. What seems to us the most consistent view, is to recognise as of paramount importance the claims of the General Government upon the general revenue. This would not interfere with watchfulness in restricting these claims within the bounds of a just economy. But it would secure for the General Government the proceeds from all lands conquered by it. Let the expenses of Maori affairs be . localised, precisely as the expenses of the Supreme Court, of Police, of Hospitals are localised. In this, as in every other branch of public or private business, let tha profit and loss be charged to the same account.— I/yttelton Times, Dec 26. We reprint to-day an article from the Southern Gross upon the recent debate in the Provincial Council of Otago, which confirms the view we had already expressed as to the unsatisfactory nature of the resolutions passed by that body. We do not publish these remarks in the vulgar spirit of what is called crowing over an opponent, still less agreeing with every j sentiment expressed by the Southern Cross writer. For example we should be very sorry to endorse the view that Otago, in its Separation movement three years ago, was actuated solely by the desire of making Dunedin the Seat of Government of the Middle Island. But what we do gather from the Northern v'cw is, and what we would wish to impress upon our readers is, the inherent difficulty surrounding the subject with which Mr Yogel and his Government have undertaken to deal. There is nothing easier than to frame a paper constitution, cr to propose a theoretical remedy for evils which all acknowledge ; but it is 1_ / when the difficulty is fully recognised of devising a plan which shall satisfy all parties, reconcile all opinions, and do justice to all conflicting interests, it is only then that there will be any chance ' of effecting a change in the constitutional law. Those who propose changes are apt to forget that there is a tower of strength in the existing position. Whether our system be bad or good, it exists — it is the law. And each party and each interest knows the best and the worst of keeping things as they are. Those who propose a change must propose such a change as •will satisfy a considerable majority of the Colony. It was quite a sufficient objection to the latest Otago scheme that it had no chance of commending itself ;to the bulk of the people.^ It was quite eer-v tain to be "rejected by the North ; and jwe do not suppose for a moment that politicians who have adopted almost as a watchword thatthe South should notlegislate for the North, would eontemplateforeingupqn the>North by a Southern majority a constitutional change to which the whole Northern Island was opposed. We have never argued that no change in our system of Government ought to be made. On the contrary we have constantly, pointed out that the Constitution Act itself originally contemplated and provided for such changes, by giving the General Assembly an over-riding poorerover the laws and powers , of the Proving cial Councils, either in. the way of pa» . \ V/rr:'

s&gSiaenl "or curtailment j and by the subsequent Acts amending the Constitution .Ac£> the. same principle waa still fiirtner; asserted, -by not only giving the Assembly the power of altering the Constitution Act, but especially by empowering :it to repeal the second clause; in 'other words, to blot out the Provinces altogether from the map of New Zealand. We do not say that such a course would be right, but the argument is conclusive to prove that modifications in .the Government of the colony are contemplated and provided for in the constitutional law itself. The actual separation of the colony nto two is not however one, of those changes which it is within the power of the local legislature to make. That can only be done by the Imperial Parliament ; and we might have been content with one argument in opposing separation, namely, that the Home Government and Parliament could never be induced to consent to it. It was to us inconceivable that the Mother Country would voluntarily assent to a change, the whole object of which was, however disinclined some of us have been to avow it, to throw upon the taxpayers of England the cost of defending and governing the Northern Island ; and this object was distinctly avowed by Mr E. Graham's resolution in 1864 Had there been no other argument — and there were many and powerful ones — this would have been sufficient. We foresaw and dreaded the result of an agitation for an indefinite time and for an impossible end, in the course of which all the evils, to avert which we proposed such a remedy, were sure to be aggravated. The Dunedin party has come round to our view. It has abandoned separation because it sees its hopelessness ; and if one additional proof were wanting of the truth of this opinion, it would be found in the reply which we have heard npon good authority Lord Carnarvon recently gave to, a deputation of Auckland gentlemen who waited upon him to urge the erection of Auckland into a separate colony. That reply has not found its way into any newspaper, either Home or here, and it may readily be guessed why ; but not the less do we know that it was as distinct and uncompromising an answer as was consistent with the courtesy of official language in the mouth of the most courteous of noblemen. Abandoning Separation, Otago proposes a scheme of ultro-Provincialism. But Auckland, which readily accepts a proposal which would throw the. responsibility and cost of her defence on Eugland, naturally declines a plan which would merely isolate her from the rest of the Colony, and deprive her of that assistance which every part of a country ' has a right to expect in times of danger from the whole, whilst it does not even give her the dignity of an independent Government. We are not arguing to-day for or against any particular change, or indeed any change at all. What we want to impress on the country is, that all parts of New Zealand have special rights and interests recognised by law on which they take their stand ; and all have grievances which, they want to see corrected. But no partial remedies proposed for the sole interest of one province or section of provinces will have any chance of meeting with such general acceptance as to promise its adoption. The whole Northern Island outside of Auckland voted against Mr Whitaker's proDOsition of last session; for there is as great a variety of interests and as great or greater antagonism of feeling between different parts of the Northern Island as between any parts. of the Northern and Southern Island. And the whole of the Northern Island, including Auckland, would vote against Mr Yogel's scheme should it ever be proposed in the Assembly. - No scheme has yet been proposed, or has been attempted, which even pretended to make any change in our Constitution with due consideratien to the interests of all. Mr Whitaker's was an Auckland scheme ; Mr Yogel's was an Otago scheme; and all such fragmentary proposals are sure to be rejected by the mass of the colony. For our own part we cannot but think that the difficulty of agreeing upon any one plan suitable to all parts of the colony will prove insurmountable. But at the same time we are quite sure that the causes for discontent, valid as they may be at present, will speedily disappear. Our friends in the North will find that there is no desire on the part of the South to impose laws on them of which they disapprove, and they perhaps sometimes recollect without unkindness, that it was to Southern Ministers they owe the Native Lands Act, which they used at one time to say was to be the panacea for all their ills. Our friends in the in the South will find that with the disappearance of Native difficulties and of the Native question altogether as a political element in New Zealand affairs, will disappear those drafts upon the Middle Island revenues, which have alone called forth a feeling of disunion formerly never heard, of; and we believe few in the South are aware of the rapidity with which the Native question is being solved by the inexorable laws of nature. The day, we are confident, is not far distant when the tide of colonisation will set in to the Northern ; Island with such rapidity, that the wealth, the revenues, and therefore the contribution to the General expenditure of the two islands will ho longer show that inequality of which the South now complains. If Ohe present state of affairs were stereotyped for ever, few might be found to oppose an: immediate change; but_ those who think as we do that the Colony will have become more really united in all its commercial, industrial, and social interests before its political unity can be destroyed, and who do not see any chance Y of agreement on any particular change proposed, will be inclined to rely on iftie fund of-wisdom which lies -in -the old proverb — quieta non- movers.— Press, 2sth, i December. - ~-\

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18670118.2.3

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Southland Times, Issue 620, 18 January 1867, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,045

SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. Southland Times, Issue 620, 18 January 1867, Page 2

SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. Southland Times, Issue 620, 18 January 1867, Page 2

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