THE WAR IN EUROPE.

Southland Times, Volume VII, Issue 534, 6 August 1866, Page 3

THE WAR IN EUROPE.

Although the latest telegraphic inteL . ligence from tlie Continent speaks ofthe actual coinmeucement of war between ) Austria ;iud Prussia, the following exI? tra cts cannot be read without exciting . great interest and anxiety. The following article, signed by M. Paulin Limayrac, has appeared in the . Consiitutionnel : — . Armamets are being "pushed with extreme energy in Germany, as in Italy. The armies are approaching the frontiers. War seems every instant to become more • imminent, But even while the situation is become more and more grave, in the midst of these levees en masse and this talk of guns, public opinion in Europe is occupying itself more vigorously and earnestly in endeavoring to discover, if possible, the mesns of maintaining peace. It is right that we should get rid of all illusions, and that we should study the question fully and completely. In order to find means of reconciliation we must first make ourselves acquainted with the causes and nature of the existing dissensions. Now these dissensions are such that it would not be possible to induce the different Powei's who are engaged in the dispute to abandon the " statuo quo " which so fatally impels them in the direction of war. The neutral Powers can do nothing of that kind. Shall they then make trial of a milder form of meditation — that of friendly counsels ? None of the parties present would listen to them. Should they have recourse to the stronger means of minatory communications. Force alone could ensure their success. They would then have to make war as disinteresterested parties to prevent a war that is [ provoked by conflicting . interests and other serious causes. A war thus begun would not decide the questions in dispute, unless the Powers which commence as neutrals should at last take part in those questions in order to settle them after their own fashion. This result, which would heap up still more violent hatred and new pretexts of war, could only be obtained at the cost of a general conflict and of immense disasters. Itis, then, we repeat, to the actual causes of the dispute that we must look. These causes are well known ; no one is ignorant of them. Italy desires Venetia; Austria will not yield it. Prussia wishes to possess herself of the Elbe Duchies and to reform the Eederal Constitution of Germany ; Austria does not choose that Prussia should have the Duchies, and if she is willing to assent to a Eederal reform, it is not such a one as Prussia proposes. Between determinations so radically opposed there can be no argreeinent. The neutral Powers could no more induce these Powers to yield to the exigencies of the others than they could uaefullyrecommend the maintenance ofthe "statu quo." However, all Europe is moved at the prolonged crisis, and the dread of coming war already interferes with all interests. The neutral Governments, like the people whom they represent, ponder over these dangers ; they seek, as we stated yesterday, the means of putting au ena to them, and of preserving humanity from the terrible evils with which it is threatened by the rivalries of Governments, Without doubt, an arrangement would be as impossible on the conditious imposed by the disputing Powers as upon the basis of a statu quo. But can we find no middle course with which to meet these opposing pretensions? Does not reason and experience alike point out the only practical method of bringing about a reconciliation? It is not by arrangements which shall put an end to conflicts between States in such a manner as to leave behind neither resentments nor grievances to form the ground for further quarrels ? The initiative of a direct understanding on this basis could, it is clear, scarcely be expected from the contending parties themselves. How could they agree upon mutual concessions and upon satisfactions equally acceptable to all the rival interests ? " But what could not be done by Powers which are irritated against each other by reciprocated griev- : ances, by discussions which become more ' envenomed by being prolonged, by preparations for war pushed on with ardor, and which have already almost brought armies face to face, neutral powers may attempt and may even succeed in accomplishing. Tkat would be an enterprise essentially; in the cause of European order. All the friends of peace would applaud it, and would ardently desire its success. France, in particular, would show herself in any event profoundly grateful to the Emperor's Government for the part it may take in so generous a task.