SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT IN IRRELAND.

Southland Times, Volume III, Issue 244, 20 April 1866, Page 2

SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT IN IRRELAND.

PROCEEDINGS IN BOTH HOUSES. A prodigious sensation was caused on Friday evening, February 16, by the announcement in both Houses that a special sitting would be held on the * following day so suspend the Habeas Corpus Act. At noon on Saturday, the 17th, the House of Commons presented as crowded and excited an appearance as it ever wears, even when a budget of - unusual importance is expected. In introducing the measure, Sir G-eorge Grey dwelt on the gravity of the step he was taking, and narrated with much detail the history of the F.enian movement since its commencement in 1862. The G-overn-ment had, though watching carefully the developement of the conspiracy, waited uutil they had obtained full proof of the existence and objects of of the Fenian organisation, in order to strike a blow which would be effectual in suppressing it. Accordingly, on September 16, the newspaper callled the Irish people was seized, and the leaders of the conspiracy arrested Every conviction at the State trials was' admitted to have been fully borne out by the evidence, and it was hoped that the ._. result would have been to deter the con- If spirators. "So far from that, however, the movement had gone on worse than ever. Sums of money were known to be in the possession of Fenian agents ; the " Irish People " had been ostentatiously republished in America ; emissaries — Irishmen returning from America — furnished with money and arms were known to be dispersed in large numbers all over Ireland ; proclamations signed by the ' Vigilance Committee ' had bean issued c.illiug on the Irish people to be in a state of preparation to obtain, but to keep concealed, arms, and stating that soon the period for using them would arrive, for the purpose of erecting Ireland in a re- . public, and speaking contemptuously of -the power of England to resist." This, however ludicrous it might sound, was calculated to have an' injurious effect on an excitable people — people deluded by the hope that if ihey rose they would be assisted by the army of the United States. " I am bound, on behalf of .; the American Government, to say that no countenance or shadow of support is given by them to those who are endevoring to incite Irish people to iurfurrection. I know that the hopes held out to the people are altogether illusory, and that the moment an insurrection breaks out, however disastrous tha first consequences may be, and to others besides those actually engaged in it, the power and strength of this country must prevail. But those persons arriving in large numbers from America and swear-ing'in-members in different parts of the country, not only- hold out these hopes to an uninstructed, and probably unniformed peasantry, but are doing that which may possibly be attended by far more serious consequences." Attempts had been made to seduce the army from its . allegiance, but he believed that such attempts would utterly fail. "The state of affairs," added he, "is very serious. The conspirators, undeterred by the punishment of so many of their leaders, are actively organising an outbreak with a view to destroy the Queen's authority. Sir Hugh Eose details the various plans they have in contemplation, and he draws no exaggerated picture. There are scattered over the country a number of agents, who are swearing-in members, and who are prepared to' take the command when the moment arrives. These men are of the most dangerous class. They we Irishmen,

imbued with American notions, thoroughly reckless, and possessed of considerable military experience, acquired on a field of warfare (the civil war in America) admirably adapted to train them for conducting an insurrection here. There are 340 such men known to the police in the provinces, and those known in Dublin amount to about 160, so that in round numbers there are about 500. Of course, there are many more who escape notice. This number is being augmented by fresh men constantly arriving from America. In Dublin itself there are several hundred men (perhaps about 300 or 400) who came come over from England * and Scotland, who receive Is 6d a day, and are waiting for the time of action. Any one may observe there men loitering about at the corners of the streets. { As to " arms, we have found no less than three regular manufactories of pikes, bullets, and cartridges in Dublin. The police believe that several more exist. Of course, bullets are not made unless there areri_.es to put them in. The disaffection of the population 'in certain counties, such as Cork, Tipperary, Waterford, and. Dublin is alarming, and it is day by day spreading more and more through every part of the country." Mr Disraeli, after pointing out to the Government that they had allowed a clause in the acb of the 50 th Geo. 111. to be repealed last year, which would have enabled them to deal summarily with these emissaries, admitted tha t* Sir G-. Grey's statement was authentic, and that it justified the House in assenting to this partial suspension of the constitution. £ Mr Bright expressed the shame and humiliation which he felt at being called on for a second time in a Parliamentary career of twenty-two years to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. He asserted that Ireland was in a state of chronic agitation, and that the numerical majority of the Irish people were in favor of a complete separation from England. The causes of this he traced to the unjust legislation of the Imperial Parliament, which, since the Union, had passed many coercion bills, but only three really good measures for Ireland — the Catholic Emancipation Act, under the danger of civil war ; the Poor Belief Act ; and the Encumbered Estates Act, under the pressure of a terrible famine. Mr Bocbuek said the question that rose to his mind was, why the speech of Mr Bright had been made at ail ; and he believed that it .was not for the purpose of smoothing over the difficulties of Ireland,, or of conciliating her people. To his mind the purpose was mere mischief. Mr Horsman was deeply sensible of the urgency and the responsibility "which rested upon every man to assist in passing this measure rapidly through the House, and censured Mr Bright for choosing that moment to raise a debate on Irish grievances. Fram the beginning to the end of the hon. member's speech he could not discover on which side his sympathies were engaged — whether he was in favour of the Government,, who washed to put down the conspiracy, or wished to support the conspirators themselvee. As Canning said in the " Anti- Jacobin" .- — "He is one of those patriots of the world alone, The friends of every country but their own." Alderman Dillon expressed his gratitude to Mr Bright for one of the truest, most generous, and noblest utterances that he had ever listened to, Mr J. S. Mill generally concurred in the views enunciated by Mr Bright. The occasion was one for deep grief, shame, and humiliation. Some other members having briefly spoken, the House divided, when there appeared — For introducing the bill, 364 ; against it. 6 : majority, 358. » The standing orders were,,, then suspended, and the bill was read a first, second, and third time, and passed, and sent to the House of Lords. The House ot Lords met at four o'clock, but had to wait some time before the iiill for the Suspension of tiie Habeas Corpus Act arrived from the other House. It was nearly a quarter to five when Earl Eussell submitted the bill to their lordships. In a short time the Speaker, attended loy about fifty members, appeared at' the bar. Mr Slingsby Bethell then read the commission ; and Sir J. Shaw Lefevre, having declated the royal assent in the usual form in Norman French, Her Majesty's faithful Commons withdrew to their ow T n House, and their lordships adjourned at ten minutes to one.