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THE MINISTERIAL POLICY.

MR STAFFORD'S ADREESS TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. ('Abridged from the Nelson Examiner.) The Hon. Mr Stafford addressed the electors of Nelson city on Saturday, the 27th ult. ; the Superintendant of the Province presiding. After a very few introductory remarks, Mr Stafford said that he had not accepted the the position of head of "the Government because he desired to be in office : office had been pressed upon him during each session for the last four years, and he had on each occasion given a decided refusal. Nor had he been actuated by any feeling* of dislike to Mr Weld. He agreed with Mr Weld on most faundamental questions ; and he believed that the Colony had never had a more honest, straightforward politican than that gentleman. If Mr Weld had been in opposition in the Assembly, he (Mr Stafford) knew that that opposition would have been honestly conducted, and he would also hare known the results of success on the part of Mr Weld — which he culd not say of some of the party by whom Mr Weld had been surrounded. Therefore, on personal grounds, as well as because of the political loss to the Colony, he regretted the retirement of Mr Weld from public life. When he (Mr -Stafford) was called on to form a Ministry, he suggested to the Governor that Mr. Weld might desire to test the strength of his Government by a vote of confidence, and he (Mr Stafford) offered to allow the question of his attempting to form a Government to remain in abeyance, so as to give the opportunity for such a motion. The Governor communicated with Mr. Weld, who replied that he and his colleaguea agreed in thinking that, having placed their resignations in the hands of His Excellency, they could not propose such a resolution to the House. When lie (Mr. Stafford) undertook to form a Ministry he did so knowing that there were formidable difficulties before him, apart from those as to who should be the members. ■. " This difficulty was increased from the circumstance, that the new Government would be sure to encounter a strong hostile party, and it was not easy to find persons whose views and opinions concurred with mj own who were yet prepared to encounter this hostility! Other difficulties arose put of the conflicting state of political opinion throughout the colony at large, attributable to what may be called the partial selfishness of politicians on almost all public questions. This semi-selfishness on political questions — the habit of regarding almost every topic from a local point of view, and the tendency to subordinate general to local interests — rendered the formation of a new •administration at the present time a very difficult task. This selfishness as to political questions is not altogethpr a matter of blame, and is referable to the peculiar manner in which the country was first colonised. Almost as a necessity of their position, the settlers in different districts from the first took a local and narrow view of public questions, and these views continue to influence them to the present time, and affect their judgement with respect to the conduct of the Government. A Government can scarcely contend against these influences,, and is almost certain to be obstructed, if not crushed, by them if it fail to gain the support of the more influential localities into which the country in divided." He felt that it was impossible to form a permanent Government without previously having a General Election ; he knew that there, was great dissatisfaction as to the working of the Constitution of the Colony ; and he knew also the difficulties that arose from the war with its great past and future financial burdens. Having, after hesitating much, and in the face of all these difficulties, undertaken to form a. Ministry, he did expect fair-play and a fair trial, at the least. Instead of this, he was at once opposed by unreasonable clamor — " which on the part of some members of the Legislative Council might almost be termed a disgraceful howl" — and with strong personal feeling. He had, however, taken office when it had been abandoned by others ; and taunts and threats only incited him to persevere, and to have a dissolution of the House so as to get at a representation of the Colony of the present instead of as it was five years since. He did not propose to dissolve the House without asking for supplies ; but he did determine, if the Opposition should adopt so revolutionary a course as the refusal of supplies, to appeal to the electors to send representatives to settle the question. [Mr. Stafford further dwelt upon this question, and he then turned to that of Finance.] Mr. Weld was reported to have said at a great meeting in Christchurch, two months ago, that he " found the Colony £9j0,000 in debt, and left it free of debt." Mr. Weld would not have stated this, unless he had some reason to believe it correct ; but he would ntt have had any such reason, if he had inquired into the matter personally. The accounts of the Treasurer in Mr. Weld's Government supplied, the figures in the following statement of the facts : — The amount actually due to the bank when the Weld Ministry took office was a\ little » over £418,000, and not £900,000. It was true that £400,000, the proceeds of debentures sold in London, had only paid into the bank on the 26th November, and bofore this was paid in, the overdraft would have been some £818,000. This £400,000 was provided before Mr. Weld tookoffice. By the Treasury books, the Government account with the Bank of New Zealand on 26th November, 1864, showed a debit balance against the Colony of £418,435 19s. 4d. ; and on the 16th October, when the Weld Ministry resigned, there remained a balance also at the debit of the Colony of £115,306 55., showing an actual difference £303,029 13s. 4d., by which sum the balance against the Colony at the bank had been reduced between the dates named. But on - the other hand, there was, when the Weld Ministry came into office, a balance of proceeds of debentures sold by Mr. Reader Wood, amounting to £309,285 Is. 2d., which was also paid into the bank account, so that more than the amount by which the debit balance of the Government account was reduced, accrued from no action taken, by the late Government, but was left for them by their predecessors. Mr. Weld also forgot, when he said that his Ministry had left the Colony free from debt — that they had drawn very largely from the Commissiurat chest of the Imperial Government, and never paid a shilliug of those drafts The liabilities of the Colony could not be me without additional taxation. "The Custom tariff should be revised; and indeed bebefore the close of last session I proposed to revise it, .but the members were so tired with the long session that they refused to conside it. The Customs tariff should not, however, be revised with the view of increasing the total amount of duties received, but for the purpose of adjusting its pressure. Whether the duty is levied on a bale of silk or a package of cotton, there ought to be no increase on the total customs burdens. There is no doubt that the high duty on some articles is fast demoralising the people iv several parts of the colony. — (Applause.) But although 1 do not think it would be wise to increase the gross customs, I nevertheless do believe that it will be necessary to impose some oi her taxation next session. I know that in saying this I am laying myself open to encounter that opposition which arises, not unnaturally, from a dislike to the more frequent visitation of the tax-gatherer. I cannot help that, and it would be. wrong to conceal this opinion, although for a time it might make things "more pleasant." But E shall have nothing to do with a sham government, which, while getting deeper into difficulties, might assume that tnings were better than they really were. If such a Government as that is svanted for New Zealand, then I can only say I shall have nothing to do with it. (Cheers.) He had long believed an In:ome Tax was well adapted to the Colony, my mechanical difficulty in assessing the tax —so as to meet those who might be inclined to je dishonest in making their returns— might be jot over. Those who had helped to bring the £ Colony into its present position should taste the ' "ruits of their actions— and he did not disclaim a ifeara in, the. result, Qm day lt«t eeuios ta

counted eleven men in the House, who, in their own persons, represented an aggregate of between three and four millions sterling- Seven of those men had been strongly favorable to the policy which had resulted in the present indebtedness of the Colony ; and it was only fair to say to them, " You see what has resulted from this policy, and you must help to pay the cost," To a Stamp Duty, as such* he had never objected — only it was as good as an Income Tax, because the latter would fall upon the proper shoulders. It was not rery probable that next session an Income Tax and a Stamp Duty, as well as a revision of the Tariff, would be proposed. "I know that in stating this — it is a duty which I conoider is due to my constituents and to the colony at large — I am laying myself open to the fact, that after making this avowal thus publicly, and before the elections, efforts may be made by those opposed to taxation to get members returned in order to turn out a ministry that contemplates levying taxes. But Ido not care for this, lam coinpulsorily in office, which I did not seek ; and I do not wish to retain it one day longer than I can hope to carry measures which are for the ultimate welfare of the country, and which in its present condition, are in my opinion, unavoidable necessities." — (Hear, hear.) .Mr. Sewell appeared to have wilfully misrepresented the results or his (Mr. Stafford's) financial appropriations last session ; for Mr. Sewell included, as though it was expenditure by the present Ministry, £126,f ! 00 of unauthorised expenditure by the Weld Ministry, and £36,000 by the Whittaker-Fox Ministry. He (Mr Stafford) ha- 1 covered both sums by the Appropriation Act, which he was not bound to do ; but he was not inclined to allow the sums to be debited to his Government, for he considered such a course unjust. He told the House that the Government could be conducted for £240,000 less than the expenditure estimated by the late Treasurer, Mr. Fitzherbert — a statement which was met by a clamour of opposition and disbelief in the Honse, and by a large portion of the press. He now repeated his statement — the money could be saved : proportionately, for eight months of the year, he was saving to the amount he had stated. "It cannot be done now for the whole year, because, when I took office, four months of the year for which Mr. Eitzherbert's estimates were calculated, had already passed, and the money had been spent ; and besides this, there was incurred by the late Government, only a short time before it went out of office, large liabilities, such as the renewal of the provincial steam subsidies for which the Government bound themselves, and which I could not repudiate. But notwithstanding this, I have been able to save on the services charged on the Ordinary Revenue a sum of £119,000. The late Ministry proposed to appropriate from the Annual" Revenue for Departmental Native and Defence Services, £489,642 9s. Od. I appropriated for the same services, £370,690, thus effecting, as I have said, a saving of within a few pounds of £119,000 in the charges on the Annual Eevenue aione." Mr. Sewell pledged his political reputation — for the twentieth time, probably— that the Provinces would not get from the Stafford Government more than an eighth and a sixteenth of the Custon s Duties. J?he answer was, that for the first half of the financial year, the Province had alreaby i eceived that amount, or at the rate of three-eighths for the year ; and he staked his political reputation against that of Mr. Sewell, that the whole three-eighths would be paid out of Ordinary Revenue, notwithstanding the large unauthorised expenditure of his predecessors during the past year. "The Weld Ministry proposed to give to the Provinces £299,704. Taking the estimated customs receipts at £780,000, as calculated by the "Weld Ministry, and which may be assumed as nearly correct, three- eighths •would be £292,000. This is what I propose to give, and a proportional share of which I have already given.— (Applause.) But while the late Government proposed giving £209,700, this proposal was based on their expectation of getting an additional revenue of £37,500 from stamp duties, and £5.00 from distillation. But as these were not obtained, as only what remained was to go to the Provinces, the result would have been that the £209,704 would have been reduced, so that the Provinces would have got only £167,204. Comparing then £292,000, half "of which I have already given to the Provinces, with the sum first proposed by the Government, there is a balance in favor af the present Ministry of £82,796, by which amount the Provinces are better off than they would have been, even under the proposed increased revenue expected from the Stamp Tax and and Distillation Duty ; while, without any increase in the revenue, I will have given to the Provinces £125,296 more than the Weld Ministry could have done without that increase. (Cheer 3.) The claims made by the Imperial Government were estimated at the beginning of last year, at half a million sterling, which sum was properly sent home in Debentures to meet the liability. By guaranteeing those debentures, without cost or trouble, the Imperial Government would have saved the Colony £40,500 ; and he was not without a hopes that the guarantee would yet be giyen. He more than doubted whether the Colony owed anything like the amount now claimed by the Imperial Government, namely, £664,000. There was an acknowledged error of £85,000 ; and there were just counter-claims which the Governor, by his published despatches, showed that he agreed could be made. Such an account was being prepared — it should have been done long ago — and he believed that when there was a mutual adjustment, it would be found that the Colony would not have to pay so large a sum as was generally imagined. A good deal of nonsense had been spoken and written as to the retention of the Imperial troops. I never said that the troops ordered home should not go as has been affirmed by various sections of the press. The troops, not a soldier of whom had lei'c the country when I took office, are now going home as fast as" ships can be got to take them. (Cheers.) Two regiments have already gone, and for the conveyance to England of two other regiments tendera have been advertised for. It is also a pure fiiction to say that I was paying £40 per head for the Imperial troops in this colony. I never promised or proposed to pay, £40 a head. The promise to pay for the troops employed in the field was a part of the celebrated memorandum between His Excellency and Mr. Weld when that gentleman took office. He did not pay the money, however ; and so much the less was I likely to pay it, who never promised to do co. It would be madness— a pure eham — to talk of paying the mother country £40 per head for the troops. Setting aside other considerations, it would be impossible to find the money, and the country would not give it even if they could. (Applause.) The last vote to which the House of Representatives will ever give its consent, will be that for the payment of the Imperial troops. The employment oi colonial forces on the scale contemplated by the late Government might not have been unwise under certain circumstances. It was necessary to put down the insurrection, and it may safely be said that the neck of the native rebellion has been broken, so as to render the conquering of the whole country, if it were justifiable, not an impossible thing ; but the conntry cannot afford to pay for a colonial army as proposed by Mr. Weld, and it would not pay if it could. Besides this I do not see on what grounds the conquest of the country could be justified. Any such action would warrant the calumnies uttered against the colonists by those who said that we fought to get possession of the native lands. The natives who remained at peace were justly entitled to remain in undisturbed possession of their lands. But with respect to these natives who have been guilty of great atrocities, 1 am of opinion that after the repeated warnings they have received, and the leniency, amounting at times to weakness, which has been shown to them, the colony would be wanting iv what is due to its own self-respect and preservation were it not to suppress tuch outrages and infiiet severe punishment on the authors of them. The colony cannot afford to have its children brought up in the belief that such men as Volkner, Eulioon, Broughton, and many others, should be ruthless, murdered aa a thing of course. Such, occurrences,

if undepressed, would demoralize and destroy the whoie tone of the national mind. Such shocking outrages must be put down ; and if it is found necessary in order to accomplish it that increased taxation' must be resorted to, I am satisfied the people of the colony will not be unwilling to put their hands in their pockets to effect so laudable a purpose. lam certain of this, and if I did not believe in their readiness to co-operate with the G-OTermnent in the repression of such outrages, I would firmly refuse to occupy my present position in the Government of the country. (Cheers.) I ! do not believe that we should not take land under any circumstances, — on the contrary, but a few days since I advised the Government to take the land of the natives at Opotiki who were concerned in the murder of theEev. Mr. Volkner. I have always advocated confiscation under similar circumstances, whether in or out of office. Such confiscation is justifiable and wise, partly as a mark of signal punishment, partly that it will secure the means of preventing occurrences of the same atrocity, and partly thai it will enable the Government to some small extent to recover the cost of suppressing outrage — (Cheers.) I do not consider that more can be expected to be accomplished from the settlement of the confiscated land, than that it should be done without cost to the country, and I cannot regard it as a sonrce of profit. Those who think a revenue i would accrue from any native war if sufficient lands are confiscated, are under a delusion. He wished that he could say that the agitation of Separation was dying out — it was, in fact, being maintained throughout the length and breadth of the Colony. He never believed that the removal oi the seat of Government would allay the agitation ; and he had stated his belief before the removal was effected. It was now more loud than ever, from which it might be inferred that it had no necessary connection with the seat of Government. He thought the removal to Wellington was not necessary and was unwise ; but he thought also that having been removed, Wellington would remain the seat of Government so long as New Zealand remained one Colony. The cry for Separation might increase untilitbecamethecryof the majority of the people, in which case the constitutiono f the Government would have to be remodelled ; or it might die out and be forgotten. He wished the latter views was likely to be the correct one. but it was by no means certain. He had always thought that the Separation of the Colony would be a great mistake. It would, he believed, be followed by injurious consequences to the whole Colony and especially to the smaller Provinces, which now got fair play in consequence of the conflict between the larger ones. In all probability the strength of the Colony was in then disunion amongst those who called themselves .Separationists. He meant to oppose the Separation of the Colony, whether he was in office or out of it; but he might be able to agree with those who were ready to consider some modifications in the present system. There is a good deal of strong feeling manifested in • the country now arising out of these questions, and it is desirable that the Government should, if possible, direct it. I think this may be done if the strings are not pulled to tightly. When despots consult their own wishes and feelings too exclusively, and keep out of sight the feelings and wishes of others, they not unfrequently cause what leads to revolution, if successful, or to what is called rebellion, if it be unsuccessful. We appear to be on the eye of an attempt at revolution in New Zealand, the seeds of which are sown, and may be productive of serious results. The problem which those who are intrusted with the Government have to solve is so to shape and direct the public feeling as that a change, if it should occur, may be attended with the least possible disturbance to the body politic." Mr. Stafford briefly concluded his speech ; and a vote of thanks to him was " carried amidst general cheering."

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18660212.2.17

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Southland Times, Volume III, Issue 215, 12 February 1866, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
3,667

THE MINISTERIAL POLICY. Southland Times, Volume III, Issue 215, 12 February 1866, Page 2

THE MINISTERIAL POLICY. Southland Times, Volume III, Issue 215, 12 February 1866, Page 2

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