THE CHINA REBELLION.

Southland Times, Volume III, Issue 41, 10 February 1864, Page 5 (Supplement)

THE CHINA REBELLION.

1 (From the Times.) The condition of China at this moment is singularly calculated to interest an intelligent observer. The oldest Monarchy in the world is not only a prey to intestine war, but is becoming, apparently, such a field for European adventure as recent., generations have never known. An exact parallel to the case we can find nowhere, but the nearest resemblance may be detected in the Italian contests of the Middle Ages^or in the events of Indian history; a century ago. The most characteristic feature is, perhaps, the rebellion itself, for no country but China could sustain the ravages of a sanguinary insurrection for years together without political dissokition. In that empire, however, rebellions have been not only constant, but chronic. The immense extent and the enormous population of the State have enabled its successive G-overnments to neglect and outlast internal disorders which to any other State in the world would have proved absolute ruin. To an Emperor enthroned in a luxurious palace on the borders of Tartary it signified but little what occurred in the remote province of Canton. Neither a domestic rebellion nor an English war affected materially his comfort or his finances, andthe political disease was allowed to run its course, while the Constitution escaped any vital injury. Now, however, the circumstance's are different. Perhaps the rebellion, though more extensive, than insurrections of former ages, would eventually die out and leave the ancient Monarchy surviving ; but it happens that China is no longer so secluded from the rest of the world as , to keep its quarrels to itself. European wars,'followed by European treaties, have 'brought European settlers into the Empire, and the superior race have been invited, by the competitors for power,- to step into the arena and take-part in 'the conflict. The Chinese are borrowing, not only guns and ' gunboats, but soldiers and sea%en r^ '.from the nations of the fel ; -.'""-and the rebels bid against the Imperialists for these powerful allies. The natural result is a crop of adventurers— men who recognise their own element in this promising warfare, who choose their own sides, like

the • iFree Lances of 'ancient wars, and dictate their own'terrns to their employers. "What these modern conclot- \ tierri may do, it is impossible to conjecture;; . but "thrones were once; founded in- India by men of' less ability I than those now engaged in China^ . \ The merit of recognising the Chinese insurgents as belligerents entitled to eqiiality of consideration^ belongs to an American. Until the- secession of Colonel Burgevine, the \ Imperialists had a monopoly of this species of support; but the defection of so skilful an officer to the side of the rebels has given an example the importance " of which it would be difficult to overrate. It is true that the precedent has been denounced, that the man himself has been proclaimed, as a traitor, and that a price has been set on his head by the Imperial authorities... It appears, also, that the American Consul condemns the act, and that he would lend .his aid to the transportation . of the offender ; .but all this is unlikely to weigh against the obvious temptations Avhieh a competition for such services will produce.^ At no time, perhaps, in the history of Europe was there a larger mass of soldiership afloat and available than at present. The Polish insurrection and the American civil war have absorbed much of it, but enough remains to impart an entirely new character to the rebellion in China if it should really be attracted in that direction. An infinite population, an immeasurable territory, and a chaos of strife furnish elements which a military adventurer would readily turn to account. The Consuls of all nations in China have protested against proceedings so subversive of recent views and hopes, but there lies the carcass, and it will be hard to prevent the eagles from gathering together. There needed but this always probable event to assimilate the position ;of Europeans in China to that of Europeans in India a hundred years since. The distinction between the two eases lay in this — that whereas India was virtually divided into many independent and rival governments when we .interfered with its affairs, China was still actually as well as nominally one realm under one Sovereign, There was a rebellion, no doubt, as there had often been before, but it was regarded as a rebellion, and nothing better, while in no part or province of the Empire was there any Vizier, or Nabob, or Rajah whose cause might be embraced, as that of a regular belligerent, against his neighbor or his Suzerain. The intervention, therefore, of Europeans in China was exclusively on behalf of the Imperial Government, and the rivalry of the supporting Powers Avas confined to competition for the favor of the Celestial Throne. But if Burgevine's example finds many imitators, and if the cause of the rebels should come to be regarded as sufficiently legitimate for an adventurer's adoption, we may witness exactly such a state of things as was produced by the old contests of French and English in the Carnatic. On each side " disciplined Chinese," or, in other words, Sepoys, will be led to battle by European or American officers, and on each side the victories due to such guidance will be rewarded with honors, wealth, and power. We need hardly be at the pains of adding that we ' should contemplate such a contingency with deep regret. We have no desire to see China pass through the several stages of transition into the condition of a European dependency, even though we shoiild be its sovereigns. "We should regret to see it partitioned or divided, or subjected to any other government than that which seems best adapted to its people. We do not think that any prospect is so promising for the Chinese as that of a restoration of the Imperial authority, and we were iv hopes that the aid of Europeans would be contributed to this and this alone. It was with these views thatwe advocated the expedition of Captain Osborn, whose squadron will soon be at the service of the Emperor in the reestablishment of order. ]N"o consumj mation could be so useful or so creditable to us as that. If the civil wars of China, already sufficiently destructive, are tobeprolonged and aggravated by the indiscriminate, alliances of | Europeans, we can see no end to the agonies of the empire. The rebels are already a match for the Imperialists. The weight of European skill thrown into the scale of the latter would decide the struggle, but if both scales are to be weighted equally the contest will only be rendered more sanguinary and hopeless than before. Looking, however, at the state of the world, it is impossible to say that such a contingency is out of the question. If the Taepings bid high, as no doubt they will, for service of this kind, it is but too likely that they will get what they want, and then we shall see the beginning of an end beyond reach of conjecture. In the meantime India, with its new plantations of tea, and its natural productivenes developed by British capital and enterprise, may supplant China in a trade which for nearly two centuries has been enriching it. Therday may come, and perhaps shortly, when at least half of the tea consumed in England will be drawn from the slopes of the Himalayas, while the Elowery Empire is languishing under the ravages of interminable strife. With the natural course of a trade we cannot interfere, but nothing can conduce more certainly to our interests than that a nation numbering its hundreds of millions of industrious people should be restored to the pursuits of its people. In no capacity can the Chinese do us so much good as in the capacity of customers. We want to buy from; them and sell to them according to our respective demands, and nothing more. A short time ago

it seemed not improbable that an amount of support, which would have cost us nothing, would' Have enabled the Chinese Gjovernment to put a stop to :. bloodshed . and re-establish . tran-.; quility. That prospect, we are concerned to say, seems now more remote.