RUSSIA AND EUROPE.

Southland Times, Volume III, Issue 14, 9 December 1863, Page 5 (Supplement)

RUSSIA AND EUROPE.

(From the Saturday Review)

The case of Poland and Russia has now been fully stated by nil the parties t<.» the controversy From a comparison of the despatches it appears ihat the three "Western Governments had, to a certain extent, concerted their answers, although Ehgland and Austiia declined to join with France in an identical note All the ministers use some of the same arguments, in nearly the same order, and the concluding menace or warning to Russia is common to all the despatches. Although it is impossible to move freely in diplomatic fetters, Lord Russell and his JtYencii and Austrian coieagues have recorded a forcible protest against the rejection by Russia of their overtures in favor of Poland. It was, perhaps, a waste of time to bandy half-truths and abstract, phrases about the relative duties of subjects and ofGoverrimenis. Prince Glortsehaksff asserts that clemency and justice must be preceded by submission tolavvfulauthority ; and Lord Rus-ell, with equal plausibility, argues that obedience ought to be the result, and nol the condition precedent, of equitable administration. A more direct contradiction is provoked I) 3' tho Russia!! pretence that the Polish insurrection has been instigated by foreigners* and by the professed promoters of revolution. The cosmopolitan conspiracy against order is a cherished fiction of despotic Governments. There may be democrats and theoretical malcontents in many parts of the Continent, but experience shows thai they have neither an efiic ent organization nor a common purpose. The beneficent revolution in Italy, which is the greatest of recent political changes, was a purely national movement, directed by moderate politicians, and principally suppoit-d by the classes which are most directly inteies ed in the maintenance of law and in the protection of property. The Polish move nicnl is not Jess strictly iruligenous, ami the Russian Government is perfectly aware that it h;is nut originated with Frenchmen, with Englishmen, or wi h Italians. The Russians, tlii-msL'hes, while in diplomatic documents they describe the insurgenis a-* partisans of aniitchy, appeal in their d'»;ne-.tic proclamations to the dregs of the people against the unanimous determination of the landowners, the traders, the clergy, and the citizens of the towns. it is absurd to maintain s hat the upper and middle classes in any country, incur fearful stiirerings and dangers for the snke of overturning the foundations of civil society. The exposure, however, of Prince Govtseha Scoff's fallacies and inaccuracies is the least important part of the despatches. Like pleadings in an English action of law, the communications of the three Powers are intended, not to argue the question, but to bring the dispute lo a definite issue Prince Uori>chaki il's concise reply amounts to a tiaver.^eor denial of the allegations on the other side, and atrain, to borrow the languago of pleaders, thereupon is-ue is joined. There is no room for further esduvi.e o! statement or opinion, and it only remains for ihe plaintiffs to determine whether the}' will bring" the case to trial.

The elaborate paper addressed !»y tho X:i ional t< oVernment or Poland to Prince Czartorjski is in ilself far more interesting tli.-ui the formal communications of ihe ihree Courts, ns it treats, with fuller knowledge and v\ iJuM.it ecu vent tonal reticence, of ihe real objects of the- insurgents, ar.d nf the actual conduct find policy of Russia. The entire document deserves attentive s:udv, as the ablest exposition of the dispute which lias hitherto been authoritatively published. Not the least forcible part of lie apo '>gy for Poland is ihe argumt'iii which t lie anonymous Government deduces from its own exisler.ee, and from the general recognition and obedience which it commands, Tcrons'n. as the wiier truly observes, may produce sullen .•iii:l passive submission ; but no community was ever yet intimidated iuio active self-saciifice and into exploits of unparalleled heroism. Tlie s\ eoplrintic or careless slanderers who tauni the Pole-; witii ih'' anair.liy which deformed one period of the':- history ought to h;; silenced by the spec!. i le of the severe and \olunlavy discipline which the n.-iiioti has inip'^ed upon itself under its anonvmou-; luler. Ihe dt-li'uM ate system of rohb ry and :mi rd or which Iris been instituted by Mouravi- ft", and fonnallv approved by the Emperor Alexander, is ihe foulest example uf anarchy which lias hor.i exhibit •(! in '•I v rope .siiii-c ibe ikiys of ?>lur;>t <in<l I-}<jl>.-\s-pierre. As the tb-eu Courts remind the Kussian <■ ovcrnmjnf, every deliberative Assembly in Europe has denounced the atrocity of a social war in which ihe peasantry are bribed by the plunder and massacre of proprietors. If further autholity is required, the pv >of of criminality is completed by ih'e sympithy of the Republican party in America with the Russian assassination of Poland. Extreme wickedness i.s naturally congenial to unprecedented pervev-iry. The National (.Jovernment complains with peculiar bittei'iieKs of the foreign nil by which the oppressor p'oilts,, while he livpneutieallv fl'imj)l: ins thai, the insurrection issupporU'd from v/itli'uit. Pm^i in troops »unrd the Xorth-westrrn frontier of Poland for [lussia, and intercept -.he arms which form the most urgent want of the insurgents. Tf the National Government is to be believed, ihe leaders have often been obliged to reject the services of recruits because they found it impossible to arm them. They also c 'niplain that many lrvcs, which have been advanlnrrenu-dy employed against the enem3 r , have been sacrificed in obscure att'-mpts to introduce the arms which the Government had purchased at a vast expense. The obstinate injustice of Prussia, contrasted uiiii the pni'lendy liberal professions of Austria, is one of the most irritaiing- circumstances of the j^resent cj;it(St..

Prince Go tschafcoff 's despatches cl se the diplomatic controversy, anil the approaching winter almost precludes the possiliility of immediate hostilities atr.iiiHt Russia The curtain or it may be the drop-scene, fill Is on daring and triumphant wrong. There is every reason lo fear that the Russians are strong enough to enforce the doctrines which they have llie audacity to avow. The repudiation of the moral and political rights of Poland, and of the diplomatic claims of Europo is uncompromising ami complete. The li.us.sian Government relies on its out! military power and on the assistance oi Prussia fur the subjection of the insurgents, while it hopes for security against foreign intervention lio'ii t lie iudi^posiiioi-; of England to war, from the professed tt putrnanee of France to st.-parate aoiion, and from the former complicity of Austria in the partition of Poland, The calculation may perhaps prove to bo correct, but it is dangerous to shock the oonscienre and defy the indignation of mankind. Three powerful Governments have at this moment a just causo of quarrel with Russia, a war in liehalf of Poland would be popular in France, and, alter a" time

perhaps also in England. Lord Russell and Count Rechberg may, perhaps, have been mistaken in the belief that any inconsiderable part of the Polish population could have been ronoilia'ed by an amnesty followed I) 3' just and moderate administration ; but the Russian Government by, refusing every compromise, has cemented the union of the Poles, and deprived itself of the only plausible excuse for severity. Unless the insurrection is' suppressed, it will henceforth be attended by the tacit approval of European Governments, as well as by the sympathy of nations, "and an unexpected success might at any.lime justify a recognition of belligerent riizhts, which would be the first step to the acknowledgment of Polish independence. A political change in Prussia, by uniting all theGreat Powers, would remove the hesitation which at present prevents active interference. If Prussia and Austria were prepared to occupy Poland, while the English and French fleets closed the Russian ports, no actual hostilities would be necessary to ensure the submission of Russia. Ft is unnecessary to enume.ate other contingencies in which the couse of Poland would be supposed by foreign powers with decisive effec 1 . It might be expedient for Russia to incur a certain risk in the hope that the question might be forcibly settled before the remonstrances of Europe had time to condense into action ; but even t lie policy of the Russian Government will fail to exterminate the Poles, and their perennial discontent will survive the persecution of Alexander If. as it survived the tyranny of Nicholas.

A middle couvP3 which has already been proposed and tempora.i|y iejected,mayperhii s b? submitted for an 'nunediate declaration of war. Tlu title of Russia to Poland which was originally founded on the lawless exercise of force, acquired a certain technical legality under the prov'sions of ihe Treaty of Vienna. As the three Powers li ive recorded (heir opinion that the conditions of the Treaty have been violated by Russia, they mi.^'ht conshtent'y proceed to declare that ihe compact \v..is terminated, and that the rights of the Emperor Alexander to Poland were henceforth to be di fined by simple posses sion. Jt was expedient to denounce the arrangement of Vienna as terminated by the default of Rus-ia, while Prince (»ortselrakoit' still vaguely acknowledged the i-i^hfc of the Knri>p;-an Governni'iits to insist on the fulfilment of the obligations of Vienna, it was s-afer to rely on a treaty than on general considerations of humanity and justice; hut as the Russian Government has accepted the sole responsibility of its acts, M. Drouyn de Lhuys is justified in observing that foreign Powers are also relegated to the full exercise of their discretion. It would be premature to withdraw diplomatic recognition of the Russian dynasty in Poland, as long as the military occupation of ihe country is I rictieally un i^puied. According to the mo I'-rn rule of Kng'ish policy, possession is the test of legitimate sovereignty, and it is immaterial to inquire whethi'v a throne has been founded on usurpaMon If, however, the insurgents were able even temporarily to expel the enemy from any considerable part of their country, the Russians would afterwards become, in contemplation of public law, mere invadeis and wrongdoers, The present insurrection has been regarded as morally just, but it i.s diilicuill to dispute the right of any (Jovernment to suppress revolt in iis own dominions. Yet, if Russia were legally, as well as historically, merely a conquering intruder, the chances of foicign interveniion for the vindication of national independence would bo largely increased. It woul.i be idle to form or express a confident judgment on the results of a conilict between a love of peace and a sense of justice. The Governments conccne I are themselves ignorant of the course which it. in iy beC'Mfie necessary to ;itlopt, and political observers necessarily share their uncertainly. On the whole, it is probable that th.* divuna has not finally tcrmi-iaied with its present abortive conclusion ; and the i ■iscriioii of the statement of thj National Uoveinmcnt in the A/oni'mr, shows that '.'Vance at least feels keenly the sting of the contempt with which her remonstrances ba\e been received, and that the Emperor is determined to keep the patli to war as open as that to peace.