The Invercargill Times WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1863.

Southland Times, Volume 2, Issue 95, 30 September 1863, Page 2

The Invercargill Times WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1863.

Within less than a fortnight two fires have occurred in Invercargill, and it was only through the strenuous exertions of those who chanced to be on the spot that the damage done was not twenty times greater. Months ago, we remarked on the difficulty there invariably is in rousing a young community to a sense of the danger arising from fire, and for a time it seemed as if our townsmen were determined to prove that the charge of carelessness in this respect et uld not with justice be Jaid at their doorsi There was muatt talking about engines and hose, aod All the necessary paraphernalia required by a properly organised Fire Brigade, .£nd volunteers were not

wanting for the Brigade itself. Sufficient money was also • forthcoming for properly developing the scheme, and then—the whole matter was quietly, shelved without any delay. It is idle to •speculate on the 'causes of this shameful dereliction of a very plain duty ; it is enough that we are cognizant of the fact, and that we again ask every man to «ome forward and assist -in some shape or other in the formation of a Fire Brigade. " We were very glad to 1 see that at the Town Board meeting,! held on the 23rd instant, Mr. -<SiHer reminded the members thaffby the fortysecond clause of tfre Town Board Ordinance they were required to " provide and have at all times a sufficient establishment of fire r.ngines, pipes, and appurtenances, to be used for extinguishing fires within the limits of the town," and that he followed up his remarks, by moving for a committee to take the necessary steps for . complying with the Act. We may hope, therefore, that before long there will be at least one engine ready for service in case of fire. We canuct, agree with Mr Beaven that the matter should be left altogether in the hands of the Brgide Committee, who, by-the-bye, are beginning to give fresh signs of life. We hope to see two good engines, one provided by the Board and the other by the Committee, and then we shall by no means have more than is wanted for the protection of the long lines of wooden buildings which are being run up on all sides. Before these engines make their appearance, the fire brigade should be organized, and, if possible; two companies started, for it is well known that much of the efficiency of existing fire brigades in other countries is owing to the efforts on the part of each company to outstrip all rivals who may happen to be in the field. Those who have had an opportunity of witnessing large fires, where several Brigades or Companies have been present, must have observed the almost super-human exertions whichthis spirit of emulation causes, and the public are the gainers by it to a very large extent. Tiie recent fires, one of them unfortunately attended with loss of life, have had the effect of once more attracting public attention to the necessity of forming a Brigade, and it is to be hoped that the Committee will use all their influence in obtaining the services of volunteers, and also in getting subscriptions from those who, from various causes, may be unable to enroll themselves as members. The total failure — for it is impossible to call it by any other name — of the first attempt disgusted a great many of those who came forward on that occasion. To advertise a public meeting for the purpose of enrolling members and setting matters in^train, and then not to put in a.n appearance at the specified time, , displayed bad taste and worse judgmenc on the part of those who had taken the leadership into their bauds. No difficulty can possibly stand in the way of forming a " hook and ladder '' and a " bucket '* company, at once, and in a town built entirely of wood, these two j are of more importance than an Engine Company. One failure such as we have had is quite enough — a second would be disastrous in the extreme.

That there will be a fierce contest of parties at the forthcoming meeting of the General Assembly, and that the present Ministry will leave nothing undone that will assist them in retaining office, may be fully calculated on. The present state of parties is an anomalous one. The existing Ministry is to a great extent a coalition — possessing the confidence of no political party ; and yet it will be difficult to find a Ministry capable of securing the entire confidence of the colony, unless some so»t of fusion be effected. With the exception of Mr Fox, there is no man who has the confidence of his party. Mr Stafford's administrative abilities are scarcely sufficient to qualify him for the kead of the Government, under the altered circumstances of the colony, and ike absence of his former colleague, the present Judge Richmond. Mr FitzGerald is too romantic — too impulsive ; besides, it is questionable if he would find any influential party to support him. Mr Weld might probably find' a place in the Ministry, but his talents are not equal to the post of Colonial Secretary. Mr Domett is too stubborn to be again trusted with the premiership. So far as one can see, there is little room in which to cast for a really strong Government. We have on the <ne side a modification of the present not very harmonious Ministry ; on the other, a Ministry under the auspices of Mr Fox — -for such appears to us to be the only other alternative. A substitute fur the Minister for Colonial Defence, Mr Russell, might be procured with advantage, and for that post no man appears better qualified than Major ?lichardson. In than capacity the Major would be a strong acquisition to ariy Government, and his previous military experience, administrative ability, and untiring, unflinching industry, 1 would be security for the efficient discharge of the important functions of a War Minister. Mr Reader Wood is an unexceptionable Treasurer —he has great capacity, and his opinions are suffii ciently liberal to keep pace with the rapid progress of the colony. We make little doubt of the present Ministry I being dislodged. There are but too many questions to come on the carpet for them to hold their own. And yet, after all, the sins of the Government have been more of omisi sion than commission. The Waitara business is the thunderbolt which will most probably hurl the Ministry from office. But the influence of ! that fatal mistake has now become lost I jn the extended and altogether different aspect native affairs have taken ; and it j will probably be found that the new i policy of confiscation will ft! pnee dis^

pose of Wiremu.Kingi's; asserted claim to-thcWaitara, by dispossessing him of it on the grounds of his continued re~ .bellion. There- is, again, the open charge of censure incurred by the concealment of the Duke of Newcastle's despatch affecting the responsibility of the colony, and the non-convening of the General Assembly, ..which will afford grounds for the withdrawal of •confidence from the Ministry. It is only fair, however, to say that there is just the possibility that Sir George Grey himself is to blame for these things. There is a rumor in certain quarters that the Ministers themselves were kept in ignorance of the despatch for some time after its receipt* and that His Excellency opposed the earlier meeting of the Assembly, Be this as it may, we have shown how many questions there are which will -afford pretexts for turning out the Domett Ministry, There will also very probably be a sharp contest on the question of removing the seat of Government, and affording larger 'legislative facilities to the Middle Island. The Auckland and Wellington members may, in the face of a common danger, merge their rival claims in a determined opposition to the removal of the seat of Government to the Middle Island; We cannot, ourselves, exactly see how, just at present, any permanent change could be made. To our mind, the best policy, under existing circumstances, would be for the House, as soon as the more important topics of the native war have been disposed of, to appoint a special session at Duuedin or Christchurch, for the consideration Of domestic legislation. Unless this be done, we may safely predict a most unsatisfactory and barren session, so far as the legislative interests of the Middle Island are concerned. Native affairs will, naturally, at this time, engage the principal share of attention, and unless it is to be understood that domestic legislation is entirely to be neglected, there must be a special session for the purpose, or else the business will be pushed through hastily and carelessly. There is ample matter for a long session devoted to domestic business. The amendment of the Gold Fields' Act, the remodelling of the Tarift, the establishment of Central Penal Stations, the amendment of the Marine Board, and Steam Navigation Acts, the thorough survey of the coasts, the improvement of postal communication, and many other questions requiring much deliberation ; all must suffer unless such an opportunity is afforded as only a special session can provide. As to the question of the payment of the immense cost of the war, we have already stated that the Middle Island will not silently submit to any alteration of the existing financial arraugements. For this reason, the question of confiscation ot the land belonging to rebel tribes must be persevered in. There is just the possibility that the Government may not easily acquiesce in the fully carrying out of such a measure, but if the feeling of the colony be sufficiently unanimous in the matter, there is not much fear of the Imperial Government opposing the only measure which now remains for, on the one hand inflicting a sufficient punishment on the natives already in rebellion, and, deferring, on the other, the remainder from opposing the Queen's authority. The question of confiscation is undoubtedly hedged round by many difficulties. It will be almost impossible to carry out its principles in their integrity, without serious complications with tribes which are only partially in insurrection. But the Government should feel itself strong enough to surmount these obstacles. It will be an easy matter to re-grant to those natives who are willing to subscribe to complete terms of allegiance, a fair share of land. The whole question of native tenure will have to be cast aside. We have suffered too much from the complications of Maori titles not ta render it a most desirable thing that tha uncertainties and difficulties in connection with them should be swept away by a bold measure. We must compel every tribe to accept a Crown title. Some measure of this kind would confer a boon equally on those natives that chose to avail themselves of it, and on the colony at large. It would place the Maoris in a position to turn their lands to the most profitable purpose, and would, by sweeping away the difficulties in the way of purchasing such lands, encourage settlement and colonisation. The Native Lands' Act does this in a degree, but the natives will not avail themselves of its provisions, so long as an alternative remains. The conditions must be peremptory — subscribe to terms of unconditional allegiance, and receive an undisputed title, or failing such submission, submit to confiscation. Such, to our minds, appears to be the only sensible plan for satisfactorily solving one great difficulty in the way of native Government.