Tub forthcoming meeting of the General ABHwmbly muni/ I>« looked forward to with l'edinpH of contmlorablo interest, not unalloyed with anxiety by lh« people of New Zealand. At no former period of the Colony's binfory Jihh the }jt',»iH];xtur<s had U> <k«al with mich largo poworfy and to exorciec Hueh important
functions, as will fall to,? the lot of the ■■oeiier||V''::..!A'siembly''"--in;.'''. ! the'' ensuing Session. in the rColoniaH parliament on the Native Question have been limited to the filling in of those details in connection with Native government, which required the action of local knowledgeand authority. Virtually the Colonists have only had the privilege of expressing opinion on the policy which should guide the administration of Native affairs. It is quite true that a large latitude has for somet ime been permitted to the General Assembly in dealing with Native government, and to a certain extent die decisions and opinions of the parliament of the Colony have been acted upon by the Queen's representative. But the evil of this has been, that while ostensibly the Colony had no control, it was allowed just sufficient power of interference to incur a certain dangerous amount of responsibility. The Governor for the time being, could thus by giving effect to the policy endorsed by the Assembly or his Executive throw the o?ius of responsibility for its success or failure on the colony. That is precisely what has been done. The policy of Governor Browne was thwarted by colonial influence. He went to war for a distinct and intelligible purpose ; not to despoil the Maories of their soil — not even to enforce the fulfilment of a contested and disputed bargain — but to assert the supremacy of the Queen's authority. But lie was not permitted to carry out his views. Fettered on all hands — opposed in the colony and in England by the clerical party — he lacked the determination to exercise the powers he possessed, and by giving way to opposing influences, failed to bring about a solution of the? difficulty. With the termination of the Taranaki war of 1860-1 the real difficulties of the Colony bejran. The Fox ministry urged the acceptance of responsibiities which had, until then, properly belonged only to the Imperial Government. In the abstract the doctrine of colonial respon-ibility in native affairs is unobjectionable. It stands to reason that the colonists must have generally a clearer conception of (he obligations and duties, in connectit n with the government of the native race, than statesmen who only obtain their information indirectly. But the real aspect of the matter was, whether it was fair for the Colony to assume the responsibility after the whole system of Native Government had been brought into confusion by the Imperial powers. It was not as if the Colony had been invited to accept powers previously withheld ; had .such hcen the case, the subject would have received a very different hearing. Under such circumstances it might have become a matter for equitable arrangement, and the Colony would have entered on the functions of Native Government with a perfect estimate of its responsibiities. But what has been done ? Governor Browne failed because Colonial influences were allowed to interfere with his plans ; and the failure Was attributed, and with some show of justice, to the Government, not to the fatal principle of interference. Governor Grey's Native Institutions failed, but the Colony is held to blame for having endorsed them. War has resulted, — not from this or that particular failure, but from many years of bad government,and the constant changesof policy — and the Home Government decide that t^e Colony shall be held responsible. Responsible for what ? We venture to say that few people in New Zealand have an adequate idea of the full meaning of the term " responsibility. " The Duke of Newcastle gives us a general - idea of it, but the gravity of the position remains yet to be fully appreciated. When we think of the cost of the present war, it is sufficient to make one stand aghast at its proportions. An expenditure of something like two millions a year is going on at the cost of the colony, with the prospect of still further increase. It is high time, therefore, that the exact position of the colony iv respect to native affairs should be ascertained. Are we to have entire control aud pay the entire cost, or are we to have partial control and partial liability for the expense ? Of the two positions, that of entire control, with its contingent liability, would be preferable. The fact of the seiious nature of the considerations involved would act as the greatest safeguard ; on the one hand against hasty legislation, and on the other against ill - considered expenditure. The forthcoming session of the Assembly must decide the matter. One thing we may look upon as certain, that the Middle Island will not submit to any further doubt on the subject ; and still less will it see its revenue squandered for no tangible purpose. At present no one knows what is the object of the war. It is impossible to imagine a more unsatisfactory state of things. We are now at war with half the native population, and may, for aught we can tell, soon be engaged with the whole race. Of course we are fighting for the "subjugation" of the Maories, but what is implied by the term? Does it mean unconditional submission ; or are we to understand that we are to make terms with them ? This it will be for tho Ansembly to decide. The only KOnKthlu couv.su for the Government to 'tidopt is to start on an entirely new basis. Cast to tho winds all the confederations, which have so constantly interfered with tho control of the natives. Treat them uh hona fide. Hubjc.cU of the Queen. 1 tinint on (he formal Hubmitmion of every tribe ; tluwi) which submit, confirm in the undisputed poHHOHHiOn ot i.lioir lands ; Uioho which refuse, deprive of nil territorial rights, JJut, lot tho ullernu- •
lives be plainly set forth ; let tltere^be no misunderstanding" on the .matter. At present all that has been done is tc threaten the evil -disposed ; ho, promise of reward or security is held out to those who remain loyal. If "We would not sec the seeds of doubt and suspicion of our intentions, which are now agitating the minds of the Northern natives, ripen into the resistance caused by despair, we must declare with all the solemnity of authority, that the faithful tribes will he secured in the possession of their lands. But we must insist on evidence of that faithfulness, and by so doing, we shall prove that we mean what we say. Whether some such intelligible policy be enunciated or not by the Assembly, one thing is certain, that unless some prospect is held out of a final solution of the Native difficulty, the people of the Middle Island must, at all cost, force themselves from union under the present form of Government. We look upon ultimate separation as inevitable, but under certain circumstances it may become immediate. Whether the two Islands shall mutually agree to separation on the basis of federal obligations, or whether there is to be an entire disruption of the colony, will mainly depend on what the ensuing session of the General Assembly may bring forth. Wo are compelled from want of space, to hold over several articles of local interest. Yesterday morniu<r (about 2 a.m.), five seamen deserted from the F.iwn, now at anchor in the river. They have not ypt boon taken.
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Southland Times, Volume 2, Issue 88, 8 September 1863, Page 2
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1,258Untitled Southland Times, Volume 2, Issue 88, 8 September 1863, Page 2
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