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RUSSIA AND THE EUROPEAN POWERS.

(From The Times, May 14.)

A! Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs could not have a more congenial task than in answering a series of similar Notes despatched by the European powers, andinapportioning his coldness or his urbanity according to the presumed sentiments of tl?e various Cabinets. No doubt a proud Sovereign, such as an Emperor of Russia must be, feels somewhat provoked at being lectured} by small and great without being able itoreturri ;a;Jiaughty reply. We rather, think that if the late Czar; had been alive, not even the. chance of a European coalition -would have" deterred him from a defiant tone. Nicholas must have been humbled indeed he would have taken in good 'part* the" most courteous advice from; a -foreign Staterraiid particulary a minor State — concerning, the government qf a part of his own dominions. But' the present Monarch hag greater command -of temper, Me is '.naturally^ mild \of disposition, and he has been schooled in aidyfersityr haying* succeeded; to an inheritance which was only gj^ed from | the greatest calamities by his timely Concessions to the Western Powers. So the Czar is willing to dissemble what' ever irritation he may feel, and he gives

to Prince Gortscbakofftheiaskof reply ing to the remonstrants with all the nicety of judgment and. perspicuity of language: which are never wanting to the Russian diplomatist. The Notes of the three great Powers were answered far from identically. Prince Gortschakoff took care to ihovy that, under the disguise of a common demand, he saw the various impulses Which had urged each; State to mix itself up in the affairs: of his master's empire, and :he addressed each in terms calculated to -have, an effect en the ruling power, whether it be, as in England, the People ; as in Austria, the Prince; or, as in France, the Ruler controlled to some extent by the opinion of Jthe governed. With England he is argumentative and technical, explaining that we have no right under the Treaty of Vienna to ask for t!ie Poles a constitution like our own," or to object to any form of government which is in accordance with the strict terms of that compact. With Austria a different tone is adopted. The Court of Vienna is almost sarcastically congratulated on its anxiety for the restoration of peace in Poland, since the insurrection must be as dangerous to its own authority as to that of the Czar, and it is advised to do its utmost to remove the causes of disorders, the reaction of which would ere loner be felt by itself.

But it is in the answers to three other Powers, Sweden, Italy, and Spain, that the tact of the Russian Foreign-office is seen. The situation of Sweden at the present time is interesting. This State stanks so much apart from the European community that its politics are little known either here or in Paris ; but it is, nevertheless, an important Power whenever Russian affairs are in question. At this time the anti-Rus-sian feeling at Stockholm seems especi ally strong. The Swedes are reminded by the Polish war of their own former greatness south of the Baltic, and of their later misfortunes at the hands of their Russian enemies. For some years the animosity towards' Russia has been on the increase, owing, probably, to a sense of danger from the ambition of the late Emperor. This feeling prompted Sweden so readily to bind herself, in 1855, to cede no territory to Russia without the permission of England and France. Prudent men, of course, think it enough if they can insure the integrity of the present Swedish territory, and preserve a scattered nation cf a f^w millions from aggression on the partef a mighty neighbor ; but, as will be seen by what we -publish this morning, a section of the Swedish nation has actually thought of drawing the sword, as if the days of Charles XII. had come again and taking opportunity from the Polish insurrection to win some undefined advantages for itself. Perhaps the re-conquest of Finland has been the dream of the more enthusiastic Swedes, but at any rate sympathy for I Poland has been carried so far that anti-Russian and warlike resolutions have been actually proposed in the Legislature, and have been defeated by the prudence rather than by the sympathy of tho members. Prince Gortschakoff appears to appreciate the temper of the Swedish people, and he answers with the cui'tness which a stroug man will show to oue whom he does not fear, but whom he knows he cannot conciliate. The Swedish Note is itse'f one of the most polite that has been sent to St. Petersburg. It was written as early as the 7th of April, and begins with an admission that the cause of the insurrection is not likely tc> prevail. Count Manderstroem then proceeds to hope that Poland will be restored to a condition more conformable to the legitimate aspirations of the well - intentionedmenoftliatcountry, the number of I whom is incontestably much greater i than that of those who will not be " satisfied with equitable reforms." In reply, Prince Gortschakoff merely states that "the Imperial Manifesto of the 3 1st of March (April 12) testifies to the solicitude which the Emperor has already devoted to the subject," and he desires the Russian Minister at Stockholm to communicate to the Swedish Government his answers to other Courts.

It is strange that there should be a sort of good feeling, between Russia and Italy. The King of Sardinia made his political fortune a few years since by joining a coalition against Russia in the darkest hour of that empire's history. The earliest victories of the Italian army were won at the expense of Russian soldiers at the Tchernaya, and before Sebastopol. But a reconciliation has long since taken place, both parties being influenced, perhaps, by a common antipathy to Austria, while the Russians, though affecting Legitimist leanings, have something like good -will for a nation which is asserting its rights against the spiritual tyranny of the Western Pontiff. Hence, though the Italian, Note is most independent and manly in its tone, it is answered in words of extreme courtesy. Italy says that "public opinion, speaking through its acknowledged organs," imposes on her Government the duty of remonstrating. It is declared that " this is not thefirst timethat disturbances have taken place in Poland :" that frequent insurec- | tions, whichßussia has always succeeded in putting down, have at short intervals that unfortunate country." I-. " This proves,'' thinks Vicount Ven-osta-"that the problem cannot be solved by force in a radical and final manner. Prince Gortschakoff answers that his august master has received with extreme pleasure the friendly expressions in this despatch, and then, with., a kind of gentle reproach, declares that these are in harmony with the friendly- sentiments of which Russia has given Italy patent proofs. It is not without some skill that the Russian then turns the Neapolitan question on. the Italian gorerameafc by saying that the

latter have surely enough of. political troubles, to be aware that the preserva,tion?of order is; difficult when insurrec<. tioh is strengthened' from 'without. ..And, as the Italian government represents -the public opinion of its own country, the Czar must also be inspired by the interests and principles on which "the Russian Empire and the .public opinion of Russia are fouuded. As far as one can judge, there is a good deal of displeasure in the riiind of the Russian minister that Italy, which has been so recently acknowledged, and which has received much moral support from the Emperor, should have joined in rebuking him ; but.this feeling is not allowed to clieGk the friendliness of expression which Prince Gortshakoff thinks ought to exist between the Czar .and so valuable an ally as United Italy.

But the true and sincere cordiality is reserved for the Spanish. Government. The Marquis deMiraflores had addressed the most courteous of notes to St. Petersbxirgh, saying that he had been induced to consider the indications made by her Britannic Majesty, but that he would not give counsel which the Emperor did not want. He regrets that the impatience of Poland has prevented it from awaiting the continuance of the system of concession ; but as blood has been shed, his Government, like the rest, hopes that Russia will be as merciful as she can to those who will one day admit their error. In return to this Prince Gortschakoff. is full of the most friendly expressions, not forgetting, however, to take notice that the Spanish Cabinet is able to give good advice through its own experience of political troubles.

In this correspondence the Russian Minister slows his skill in addressing each Government in the manner which is most likely to be most effective, without pledging himself to adopt any suggestion or carry out any policy. A general assurance however that a change of system will be adopted in Poland pervades all these Notes and constitutes a promise which the European Powers may justly consider binding on the Emperor.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ST18630828.2.27

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Southland Times, Volume 2, Issue 85, 28 August 1863, Page 5 (Supplement)

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,510

RUSSIA AND THE EUROPEAN POWERS. Southland Times, Volume 2, Issue 85, 28 August 1863, Page 5 (Supplement)

RUSSIA AND THE EUROPEAN POWERS. Southland Times, Volume 2, Issue 85, 28 August 1863, Page 5 (Supplement)

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