South Canterbury Times, MONDAY, MAY 8, 1882.

South Canterbury Times, Issue 2845, 8 May 1882, Page 2

South Canterbury Times, MONDAY, MAY 8, 1882.

The Irish troubles are in themselves very shocking to contemplate, but it is not improbable that they may yet bear good fruit lor humanity at large. At least they will have the effect of directing attention to the existing laws that govern the possession of land. After setting down to other causes a fair proportion of the discontent now prevailing in Ireland, there remains a vast amount of it which must have had its origin in some real grievances. It happens to have come to a head partly through some collateral influences, but it is only the more powerful manifestation of an ancient . and wide - spread grievance. It is apparent that there is a very largo section of mankind which is suffering horribly from maladministration of land laws, or from defective land laws. The revolutionists of bygone days expressed this in violent terms, “ All property is robbery ” was their fundamental maxim, and the mildest of their proverbs. But, much as we deplore their excesses, and shrink from their subversive measures we cannot deny that there is a substratum of truth and reason in their creed. It seems only right that what a man acquires of current wealth by industry and ability should be his own, for- it is gained in fair competition. But land is the common property of the race, and appears to be intended toyield subsistence to mankind. Itis free as air. Monopoly is repugnant to natural order. “The greatest good of the greatest number ” is what Nature seeks “ through all her works.” Human legislation, however, has hitherto ignored this principle, as applied to land, arid has permitted monopoly to grow so strong as to, crush it out. We must go back to ; first principles. We did not realise the situation properly until recent troubles in Ireland had awakened us to a perception of it in its true light. A select few have been enjoying the produce of land, generation after generation, while around them are countless thousands who have no part nor lot in the land. These great possessors of the soil hold their immense domains by a legal title certainly (though, in many cases, even that is a very questionable one), but their moral claim will hardly bear investigation. This land has not been obtained in fair competition. An estate was acquired centuries ago probably, and it has been locked up in the possession of one family ; it is capable ofsupporting say fifty families ; hundreds and thousands of men have been languishing for want of fair means of support, or a start in life, —hopeless of ever obtaining it. This rich domain has been the heritage of one family; anybody else only dwelt upon it on sufferance, and in the capacity of serfs—whoso energy and labor year after year, have been engaged in merely contributing to the wealth of the proprietor. Their own condition has never been improved,—one weary round of ill-paid labor, leading to nothing bettor ; this has been the lot of them and their children after them.

Who, shall justify this state of things, or who can be surprised that the pent op feeling of indignation against pampered monopoly should some time or another break forth in wild and terrible outrage on property and person ? We are all deploring the unhappy- state of the country. We fear to utter a word of sympathy lest it should encourage the misguided creatures in a rebellion that must prove disastrous to the empire and themselves ; yet we know none the less that they have endured inustice at the hands of England, and that the landlordism of Ireland has long been a reproach to civilization. We say this advisedly, *and we say it while we are advocating a firm policy on the part of the Government, the forcible suppression of assassination and outrage, the imprisonment and execution of notorious leaders of rebellion, and a general severity until order has been restored: while thinking too, that the people are wilfully blind in not perceiving that England is bent on doing them justice. But at the same time we are no less conscious of the reality of the evils of which these people have had to complain, It is high time that limits were placed upon the acquirement of land, and monopoly in land effectually done away with. Legislation in this, at least, should not be class legislation. In this, the interests of the many must be studied, for land is the property of the many. Is there no danger, here, of monopoly; is there no tendency on the part of some politicians of New Zealand to protect the interest of the large landholder, and allow the interests of the many to take care of themselves ? There is such a danger, a formidable and an increasing one, and if colonists do not desire to see magnificent countries (intended and adapted for the support of millions of human beings in fair labor competition) converted into vast sheep runs they will pay some attention to the course of events and see that those they put into Parliament to assist in making their laws, are men who have at heart the good of the people at large, not the interests of a class.

In this age of “ local industries ” there is one which, so far as we are aware, has never been suggested ; but which we take leave to think would prove a most profitable one, if carried on in connection with a woollen factory. We refer to the manufacture of stockings. This. is a very homely subject, and may appear somewhat trivial to our readers. But, if we are not very much mistaken, a large proportion of them (those at least who have families to support by their labor) will take a lively interest in it. We assert, then, without fear of contradiction, that no article of inferior quality to the stockings and socks we buy, is imported to New Zealand. There is no department of English industry that has made less satisfactory progress, or produced inferior results, than this of the manufacture of stockings. The cost of them is ruinous, and quite unreasonable, and the quality well, they are simply rubbish. This is a very important consideration in the family economy. It is absolutely necessary that children should be well stockinged, but when one pays four and live shillings per pair, one expects, something good and durable. Instead of this they are so inferior that in an ridiculously short space of time they have to be renewed. We feel quite sure this industry would be a profitable adjunct to a woollen factory, and we hope our Ashburton friends will take the hint.

This morning’s news fills us with consternation. The Irish rebels have at length gone to the extremity of taking the life of the Chief Secretary for Ireland. Under circumstances of this kind there can be but one opinion —viz., that the Government of the day is not, for some reason or another, competent to deal with the rebellion. It is |no time now to talk of releasing prisoners and “ making it up.” Clearly the authority of the Government must be vindicated, and any further delay in bringing strong measures into operation can only result in increased confusion and bloodshed. We separate entirely the perpetrators of such outrages from Mr Parnell. That gentleman is not an assassin, or a supporter of assassination. But in the fever which his harangues have kindled there have sprung up a class of professional agitators, who, in their turn, have played with only too much effect upon the worst and most ferocious passions of blinded and ignorant people. What is it all tending to ?